Janus: Additional Manuscripts c

Trinity/Add.Ms.c contains:
<-- See earlier
47a	Index of Henry Jackson correspondence
48	Index of fellows of Trinity to 1860 with some later additions by C H Cooper
49	J Rains: letters and photograph concerning a chair purportedly from Newton's rooms
50	A E Housman: letters to his sister, Kate Symons
51	Letters from Richard Jones to William Whewell
52	Letters from William Whewell to Richard Jones
53	Miscellaneous papers relating to political economy
54	William Cowper: The Iliad of Homer, printer's copy
55	William Cowper: The Odyssey of Homer, printer's copy
56	J G Frazer: letters [Missing]
57	J G Frazer: letters G
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Additional Manuscripts c

Title	Letters from William Whewell to Richard Jones
Reference	52
Covering Dates
Extent and Medium	1 box

Index Terms

Jones, Richard (1790-1855) political economist

Trinity/Add.Ms.c/52 contains:

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ looked at the appearance of a friends first book with great pleasure [WW, 'An Elementary Treatise on Mechanics', 1819]: 'The Book they tell me is pronounced good but the introduction a puzzle - in truth I think while writing it you forgot for a moment the thick darkness by which you are surrounded - 9 tenths of the people old and young at Tonbridge I take it know exactly nothing about the question as to constant precessions of phenomena efficient courses[,]etc. and you have earnt nothing but abuse and curses by paying them the compliment of supposing they did - for myself I find fault with you for using the term necessary truth as applied to physical conclusions for thinking you escape, from what even you mean inspite of your former pretty promises to think the blot of an experimental foundation to your statics'. RJ believes WW does this by resorting to metaphysics. He thinks that one must always suppose some sort of experiment and induction before one can get through it to a physical conclusion - 'will you fight?'. RJ's Rectorship in Wales has been postponed. Rose [Hugh Rose] has been preaching at RJ's with 'great applause from the better sort as well as the mob'. Rose tells RJ 'that the old mathematics have died and faded away with scarecely an audible groan before the bright flood of analytic love which has been poured in upon them and you therefore I take it have been revelling uncontrolled in the luxury of long brackets filled with cabalistical characters - I give you joy but alas for the poor geometers! methinks I hear their mutterings loud and deep echo through the sympathising courts of St. Johns and Queens'.
1 doc.

1 Oct 1819

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ wants to get out of Brighton and spend a week or two in Cambridge.
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29 Nov 1821

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has just come from John Herschel's at Slough. JH is inclined to meet WW in Brighton and come back with him to Cambridge.
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14 Jan 1822

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has taken a curacy and house at Braested near Westerham in Kent. Is WW to be appointed to succeed Monk [James H. Monk] in his share of the tutorship. RJ is currently staying in John Herschel's lodgings at 9 Downing Street. JH wants to know if WW has agreed to undertake the article on physical astronomy in the Encyclopedia Metropolitana since he will do it if WW does not. RJ's political economy is to be made into a book: 'I am searching the museum and libraries for old tracts and pamphlets from 1688 to 1776'.
1 doc.

15 May 1822

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has a house in Braested and Brighton and a home nowhere. He spends his time commuting between these places. Will WW accompany him and John Herschel for two to three weeks through the West of England this autumn?.
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17 May 1822

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ wants the article by Quesnay [Francois Quesnay] from the French Encyclopaedia. It is true as RJ expected - 'metaphysics and reasoning had little to do with the origin of the Oeconomists - poor Boisguilbert [Pierre le Pesant, Sieur de Boisguilbert] was their real founder as these articles successively written by Quesnay shew very satisfactorily - the first a copy as to matter - the second an approach to abstraction and after that came his Books and those abstractions bound into a system and connected with the doctrine of evidence which he had before written upon independently all which additions almost were good for nothing - Galiani [Ferdinand Galiani] laughs at the evidence in one of his dialogues'. WW 'must get these dialogues and read them or read them here they are the wittiest and cleverest things ever written and they are good for nothing after all but to laugh at'. RJ wants to talk to WW about the phrase metaphysics of mathematics. RJ finds the terms 'metaphysics' and 'metaphysical' meaningless mongrel terms which 'offer themselves to every blockhead who will use them to fly in the face of any one who puzzles him besides standing sentry to drive away the conviction of his own ignorance whenever it approaches him. I want to shut them up in their own kennel - now I wonder what metaphysical means do you know? I don't'. Does it mean beyond nature, after nature or anything relating to spirit; 'is it to be interpreted by reference to the Scholastic division of sciences and does it in this sense always include the philosophy of mind inductive physiological and speculative and is it not possible and right to claim for the inductive philosophy an exemption from being included in it and in which of these sense or in what other do you mathematicians use it when speaking of the doctrine of infinities etc do you consider questions about the nature of power metaphysical and why? Do we not all sometimes use the term in such a sense that it includes reasonings on any subject where we have no power of observing facts or appealing to our senses or consciousness for a basis and is this a literal or metaphysical sense of it. In short what are its literal, or various literal, and various figurative meanings and above all to what precise literal meaning have its different figurative meanings separately reference? Is this not so indistinctly perceived by all who use the word as to be what gives it its vagueness and latitude? What do we mean by the metaphysics of languages. Is there any thing metaphysical in examining how far a sign answers its purpose of indicating a thing signified. The sign is not metaphysical nor the sign signified if we exempt the inductive philosophy of mind from the domain of the term but granting the metaphysics of language to be a proper phrase should it not be carefully confined to language considered abstracted and with reference only to the mind where notions it expresses and never extended to the subjects about which that mind is conversant if not what subject is not metaphysical? and is not some confusion on this head another cause of its vagueness? What the devil can the pure metaphysics of political economy mean? see Ed. Rev. [Edinburgh Review] on Lauderdale - Is not the man who talks so mistaking the difficulties of language for the difficulties of the subject about which language is employed and is he not thus puzzling and deceiving himself and other people - and lastly (cry out thank God) does not metaphysical in common parlance and sometimes in literary gossip or scribbling mean any thing whatever the talker or writer finds too hard for him and ought not the use of the phrase or any phrases connected with meaning cannot be assigned to be taken at once if as a confession of ignorance'. It would take RJ 'another sheet of paper to tell all the reasons for my wrath and anxiety to introduce a little day light and order amongst this darkness and confusion besides the Oeconomists and Turgot[,] Say[,] Galiani etc. etc. a new offender a Comte Hauterive [Alexander Maurice Blanc de Lanautte] who has grown old in office has written a Book for the instruction of young statesmen in which amongst - hundred similar is the following luminous definition - The organisation of labor is the total of human labors considered in the universality of their relations'. RJ warns WW that 'as soon as metaphysical is allowed to mean deep and to be extended to all subjects then come darkness and poetical analogies made into abstractions and big words set up for things and abomination of all sorts'. RJ wants WW to help him carve a space for his political economy.
1 doc.

13 Aug 1822

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ's is continuing with his book [on political economy]: 'I think pretty well but after all I must hurry it which is mortifying from a conviction I have that I could make something that would last if I dared to be longer about it'. RJ is extremely pleased that WW shares his 'noble rage against the word metaphysics. Let us charge at it full tilt and lay it grovelling in the dust if we cannot kill it - it is lucky we have such a Bond of Union for if you write your intended treatise on the evidence on which the elementary truths in mixed mathematics rest I dare swear we shall agree about little else. I fear you will be a sad Heretic and what is worse a German Heretic or Leibneitzian'.
1 doc.

07 Oct 1822

Richard Jones to William Whewell. On the Cambridge election: 'Scarlett I have a strong and invincible personal objection - his politics are all in the way of trade'. He 'is a bad tempered aristocrat who finds it convenient to oppose men who at bottom he very much resembles in + all their bad points too not perhaps in their few good ones'. WW says Hervey is a dull boy. Grant is a Saint - 'I hope not a Bigot yet as I conscientiously believe that party are making the people immoral and miserable (without meaning it) as far as their influence reaches. I will not add to that influence even indirectly by any act of mine. I am sorry for this for I should have otherwise preferred him'. RJ would have voted for the speaker if he had stood. Then there is Bankes - 'an independent country gentleman and clever and literary they say but then he is as you observe an anticatholic candidate. I am sorry for this for I am not anticatholic and am disgusted at either timidity or bigotry on the subject's being made a merit of, but in the present state and temper of both countries I do not think that question are of such overwhelming importance practically as to overbalance all other things and of the 4 candidates I think him the least objectionable'.
1 doc.

11 Nov 1822

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ explains why he will not be voting in Cambridge at the forthcoming election [see RJ to WW, 11 November 1822]: 'to come and help turn out whichever you may elect at the next election and to be able to do this wth a clear conscience it is surely best to give no vote at all now - with a view to this good purpose I hope Scarlett may get in - it will be easy to turn him out and not so easy any of the others[.] as to Herschel [John Herschel] he votes merely because he thinks Peacock [George Peacock] takes the thing to heart whatever other views he may talk about'. With regard to the Saints [the Saints candidate is Grant] - 'respectable and well meaning as some of the leading ones are if ever it is your lot to witness the hypocrisy and fanaticism exhibited while living and while dying by a set of people almost invariably the converts of some silly man who fortifies himself in doing mischief because he thinks he has the countenance of Mssrs - Wilberforce[,] Baring[,] Stephens etc. etc. you would I am sure scrupulously avoid helping to place in any situation of conspicuous weight an individual of their class and whoever or whatever he might be in himself - I think with you that Grant personally is by far the most eligible of the four but I earnestly hope he may not be successful'.
1 doc.

22 Nov 1822

Richard Jones to William Whewell. 'Young Burges [Henry Burges] brings you this - I have advised him to come and secure lodgings which he wants quite cheap and near the College'.
1 doc.

17 Sep 1824

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ cannot get to London at the time WW mentions but will be at home. He wants John Malcolm to answer a few queries about Persia.
1 doc.

28 Dec 1825

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ knows as much as WW regarding John Herschel's movements. However, RJ 'can answer for him as boldly as if I was present to his thoughts - 1st he will not stand if there is a chance that he would be in your way or I think Peacock's [George Peacock] - 2ndly He will not stand if he has to canvass the heads with a chance of an opposition so far I am sure 3rdly I do think he would accept the professorship with the expressed and implied condition of lecturing if you and Peacock were out of the question and it was offered him unanimously'. However this will not happen. Herschel further has an 'aversion to the very thought of a Cambridge professorship - he wrote to me with some surprise and some apparent sorrow when you first talked of the mineralogical chair but promised if you got it, to with hold for the future more of the contempt he had been endulging in against the university professorships'. RJ does not think WW should give up the Mineralogical professorship for the Lucasian since the former is tenable and the latter is not. Hence if WW wants to stay in Cambridge and get married, as he has always maintained, he should stick with it -'If moreover you are ever to give way to Peacock I had rather it were now than on some future occasion, because to say the truth, I am intimately persuaded more you will get it now and that if Newton himself were to come to life as a plain Master of Arts the heads would give it to French without hesitation and perhaps with an additional relish from the mere weakness of the job - I say this without any ill will to Peacock - there are not many men I wish better to - I am supposing you to be sure of the mineralogical'. If Julius Hare is not in Cambridge RJ is willing to come and listen to WW's thoughts. WW should not wait to hear from Herschel and would himself have a better chance than Peacock and King for the Lucassian Chair - 'I do not know why but Peacock is not popular in the University'. .
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16 Oct 1826

Richard Jones to William Whewell. A brief outline of RJ's forthcoming movements. WW can see him either at Braested or Brighton.
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21 Jul 1827

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ appreciates WW's 'uneasy feelings and thinkings, I know very well that nothing but time will set you right again'. Babbage's wife has died - 'Poor Babbage - what an inseparable blow I hope he will bear up against it bravely but I feel anxious to hear of him - Ryan's [Edward Ryan] children too are motherless as well as his own'.
1 doc.

08 Sep 1827

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ thinks WW should have at least part of RJ's manuscript so as to be able to show proper persons. William Jacob will look over the manuscript - 'but Jacob though an anti Ricardoite clings to Malthus's paradoxes and may not be very hearty about a refutation of them. I was pleased to find he could not make any fight for them but he withholds his adhesion till he has had more time to manufacture a defense for them - I would not allow him to write to Davy if the conviction of his own mind was imperfect as to any part of the system to be launched. I am aware that you share with Herschel a disposition to see a little'. The 'hold that system [Ricardian] palpably, mishievous and immoral have gained upon the public mind the difficulty of gaining a hearing for principles of a different complexion and got at in a different...manner and in the spirit of a less presumptuous philosophy and the propriety of their affording more support at the outset to the - establishment of sound political moral views in a subject which has hitherto only called itself a science to surface a dogmatic philosophy of the most pernicious kind - we must not be too bold in talking of the execution etc. etc. but I will decidedly see you before the attempt is made either at Cambridge in term or here'.
1 doc.

27 Sep 1827

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has looked over WW's paper ['Mathematical Exposition of Some Doctrines of Political Economy', Trans. of the Cambridge Philosophical Socity, 1830]: 'you should add a passage stating that you take the axioms about rent merely hypothetically in order to shew the conclusions which right reasonings ought to have led those to who assume them - you cannot do this too decidedly because in truth the axioms as applied generally to rents all start naught and only apply as far as they apply at all to a very limited class of rents - both the labor and capital employed in agriculture being fixed in a vast majority of cases by iron necessity to the soil and utterly incapable of escaping from it. Rent consists of whatever is paid for permission to occupy land'. There is no definition which will embrace all its varieties. RJ corrects a couple more errors in WW's text - 'Nothing else strikes me you are aware that I am not very sanguine as to the success of any attempt to make mathematical reasoning do more than point out logical errors but I do not perceive that you profess to aim at much more - you should I think however repudiate more distinctly and earnestly than you have done any belief in the practical truth of the axioms or definitions of which you are tracing the necessary results - that is in their truth as general propositions, considered in connection with one particular state of society they are at all events partially true - I am aware of the passage in page 7 beginning It will be perceived but I do not think it enough'.
1 doc.

18 Apr 1829

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ sends WW about two thirds of his preface ['An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation', 1831]. He thinks it is too long and may be seen as having a little philosophical pedantry about it. Fitton [William Henry Fitton] thinks RJ 'may have treated the Utilitarians too roughly - I do not - but pray have an eye to this'. RJ notes within the country the higher classes are folding their hands helplessly waiting the explosion [a peasantry uprising], the intermediate are waiting with hope of some change but they know not what, and the lower are ready to be instruments whenever a mob appears. RJ 'told Ld Camden the Ld Lieutenant before a select meeting the other day that unless he sent for troops the whole body of peasantry were ready throughout the valley to turn out'. RJ does not think he has sent for any troops but he 'was startled and surprised as if the news was really unexpected this was 2 days ago'. There has since been a nearby uprising. .
1 doc.

1 Oct 1830

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will send WW his manuscript ['An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation', 1831] by coach.'We are here in the strangest position to which folly and blindness on the part of the government and impotence and stupidity on the part of the local authorities ever reduced a civilized people under regular government'. RJ got today a circular 'recommending the workmen in every parish to form a committee to fix their own wages to treat with their masters through the committee and then recommending them a la O'Connell [John O'Connell] to avoid tumult etc.'. RJ will send it to the authorities who will then neglect it. .
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16 Nov 1830

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ returns his manuscript ['An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation', 1831]: 'I had meant to guard myself against being supposed a follower of the mighty Sadler [Michael Thomas Sadler]'. RJ 'will strike out the second reference to the Millites when the sheet comes. I suspected I had been too declamatory but you must not think me obstinate if I wish to see the passages you object to in print - your substitution which I value much I shall certainly use does not exactly contain the objection I was making which is to the narrow foundations rather than the hasty erections of their systems - that gradation of generalities you allude to is rather a different point and when the proof sheet comes here I mean to see if I cannot use both yours and mine (or mine a little modified)'. RJ does not know what he has 'written or miswritten that could lead you to think I was for mixing you up with the Kentish riots'. RJ 'had no such notions - indeed how could I when we have Lords Camden and Brecknoch to help us if those vigourous and comprehensive minds I wish I could give you an idea - we have a little calm, but if a storm does not sooner or later follow it will be wonderful as our people have been tonight almost anxiously that if they choose to assemble to effect any favourite object by violence the worst that can follow is that they should miss their object. The very day sfter I applied for troops, (they might have been here in 8 hours) no less than 3 risings took place...7 or 8 miles from us - one only 4 or so - the largest and most violent body had there been troops at Sevenoaks might with perfect ease have been intercepted any number received and an example made which would have protected us and the poor people themselves for a generation at least - not one was received and they are I suspect quite ready to try their luck again - I hope Herschel [John Herschel] will be beaten and the Royal Society go to the de--l I have excellent reasons to give you why this would be better for Herschel'.
1 doc.

10 Jan 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ wants WW to look at the third edition of Whately's [Richard Whately] 'Logic' [first published 1826] - 'turn to p.320 you will find some observations on terms by Senior [Nassau William Senior] beginning The foundations of political economy being a few general propositions deduced from observation or from consciousness and generally admitted as soon as stated[,] it might have been expected that there would be as little difference of opinion among Political Economists as among mathematicians and then read on'. RJ states 'that when he comes to rent he gets from consciousness and such observation as he deemed sufficient a notion that rent is always the secret of some advantage which enables unequal profits to be made and proposes to extend the term to all the gains made in consequence of any extraordinary powers of body or mind any processes in manufacture which are protected by secrecy or by law any peculiar advantages from situation or connexion a pretty hash he was likely to make of it'. RJ does not think there is much they should object to in the body of Whately's work, 'except a strange notion that the inference made by the mind when its inductive processes are completed is an inference which belongs to deductive reasoning and may be called logical ascending to his own strict definition of logic which I hold to be utterly wrong (the notion that is not the definition) see p.235 and another foolish sneer at those who think that inductive reasoning can ever be reduced to scientific form - page 243'. RJ had not seen 'Senior's nonsense till lately as I could hardly have kept my hands off him'. RJ has an idea 'that some popular views of inductive reasoning such as I shall sketch would be a good thing to publish, when you see them decide whether you will keep them and use them yourself or send them back for me to enlarge. If either of us do it it must not be with a reference to natural philosophy exclusively or I think mainly - But mind if you insist on german phraseology or any thing like it I wash my hands of the job'.
1 doc.

24 Feb 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ transcribes part of William Jacob's positive speculations on the distribution of RJ's book ['An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation', 1831]. RJ is 'more and more in love with my intended sketch of inductive logic. I think it is just possible you may think it touches on your domain - never mind - I think in that case it will be useful to you - because it proceeds on a sort of comparison with the purposes and methods of deductive logic which I do not think it ever occurred to you to make so fully, and if it is useful to you and through you to the world I shall be content - I want only to help to spread the faith and have all the disinterested zeal of a knight errant in the great cause'. RJ will 'prove even to Whately [Richard Whately] that the outline of an art of reasoning (for I do not mean to give him that word to put in irons) inductively on almost all subjects is to be got from Bacon and nature as compleat in all that is useful and really natural as their art of deductive reasoning and also what men must do to compleat the outline and what a darling thing it will be when done'.
1 doc.

25 Feb 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ had no idea that WW's review of his book ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation by the Revd Richard Jones', The British Critic, Quarterly Theological Review and Ecclesiastical Record, 1831] would cost him so much time. With the exception of John Herschel - all the copies of RJ's book which he sent out were 'received in a manner which appeared to me and to others not merely unsatisfactory but rude and contempturous inasmuch as the receipt of them had not been acknowledged'. RJ is sorry that WW is cross with his last letter [RJ to WW, 25 February 1831]. RJ is no longer 'afraid about your liking what I am about - it falls in very well with your own notions [RJ's work on inductive philosophy - see RJ to WW, 25 February 1831] - I think it may be useful to young persons and teach them not to talk and decide but to be modest and hold their tongues and if it touches nothing like this it amuses me much and may be put in the fire when it has done that good deed - I wanted some examples of deductive reasoning foolishly applied and especially by Aristotle himself'. .
1 doc.

28 Feb 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ does 'heartily agree with you as to Aristotle - to whom it is childish to do scant or reluctant justice - but still it is non the less true that he was himself fascinated and misled by the demonstrating powers of his syllagistic art, and while wielding it or scratching at general propositions which were to enable him to wield his brilliant weapon he forgot sometimes what his precepts and example had done to shew and promote the true work of investigation. That his followers quite forgot what his mightier mind occasionally overlooked is not so wonderful but really Copleston [Edward Copleston] and Whately [Richard Whately] are a little too bold - having themselves the first of their caste come to perceive the true scope and limits of the deductive art, they set about abusing in good set terms all who had overated its pretensions - as if that overating did not begin or end with logicians and especially Oxford itself'. RJ beleives that he has 'traced induction from the works of the logicians into the mind of Bacon - very successfully I think'. Although he finds some confusion in the way Bacon uses induction. .
1 doc.

02 Mar 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ only saw McCulloch's [John R. McCulloch] second edition after his own book ['An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation', 1831] had come out: 'they illustrate the effects of Ricardo's system upon the intellect of recipients and are something like what you want I suppose'. .
1 doc.

3 Mar 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. WW can send or show this letter to Thomas Malthus: 'I was gratified of course by his letter [Malthus] but merciful powers or what sort of a dreamy land of speculation does he urge me to enter. Rents in America!...If one must guess what they are to come to there, why then I guess that with their democratic institutions and territorial resources they will keep multiplying a race of peasant proprietors till their territory and probable conquests (to Sena del Fuego perhaps) are full'. Then the land of these peasant proprietors will gradually sink till they become poor, and from their discontentment will come political convulsion which may produce another state. Out of which 'tenantry rents may spring but these periods look to me more like geological than political ones'. However much RJ admires and esteems Malthus 'he shall involve me into no balloon excursions. I think too he underates peasant rents - what I value most in my book is the revelation (for it is one) of the intimate connection between the subsistence of the body of the people, and the rents they pay, over almost the whole of the old world - By this fact and its reaction on government, and society, the past history, the present condition, the future progress, of a vast majority of human communities have been, are, and will be in ages, influenced. I half flatter myself, that no sound thinker will hereafter speculate on such subjects, without having the principles and results I have brought to light, distinctly present to him, and therefore, as a citizen of the world...I cannot admit that the farmers rents, because they happen to be over and yet less, the urban rents of America and Australia, can compete with my peasant rents in interest and importance'.
1 doc.

04 Mar 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. WW's 'first query is a puzzler - how happens it that the peasants in many (perhaps most) countries pay half the produce as rent and yet the proportion of non-agriculturists is so small - the facts are indisputable the causes obscure - in France for instance the metayers paid half produce and perhaps half the other as taxes - at any rate much of it - yet the agriculturists before the revolution were 4/5 of the population - what became of the rents and taxes they paid - there was notoriously but little export of raw produce - I should not like to say any thing very positive without being for a time in peasant countries and looking about me'. However, hypothetically RJ claims: 'First peasants live barely - the produce they consume might not maintain another population equal to more than half their numbers. Secondly we must calculate that almost all that part of the produce which constitutes the same material of manufactured articles - all inedible produce that is is turned over to the landlords half' - although this is strictly a guess. 'Thirdly the horses and other animals maintained by landlords consume much[.] Fourthly - some is returned to peasants as loans and gifts - (not much perhaps) and Fifthly and most especially the waste in the consumption of produce rents by landlords is likely to be very great[.] Sixthly - there is almost always some exportation. Now which of these causes are the most efficient in producing the phenomenon of this small extent of the non-agricultural classes I do not know[,] or whether there be or be not other causes to take into the account[.] I should like to go and see - the phenomenon is common to all peasant countries - In France the causes mentioned may account for it. In other countries Italy for instance - Poland Russia - it is harder to make out because the non-agriculturists are still fewer and after allowing fully for all these causes there will remain I suspect a residual phenomenon to be accounted for'. RJ goes along with WW in his use of the word induction, but 'I do not myself like to oppose it to or contrast it with either observation or pure reason. Induction according to me and Aristotle (admire my modesty) is the whole process by which the intellect gets a general principle from observing particulars or individuals and on that process both observation and pure reason have a part - when observation has collected the facts abstraction (which I consider a purely intellectual process and in the province of pure reason) siezes on the law a principle and then the inductive process is compleat in all its parts'. Therefore if the inductive process is a combination of observation and pure reason and cannot be opposed to either - 'I have no objection to the use of the word to express the compleated process - in any case - an induction obtained by induction with me would mean an induction obtained by observation and abstraction - I like induce better than inducted and see no objection to inductor. But as I shall use the word induction meaning the completed process as synonymous with general principle I should prefer saying a general principle got at by induction - but I doubt if you would accept this use of general principle and I doubt if I should yours of pure reason - But you shall have your own way banning German words and phrases'. RJ believes Aristotle 'meant to represent induction as the process the power of effecting which distinguishes the intelligence of man from the instinct of brutes and as the only foundation which is yours and steps further than you or Bacon'. Aristotle emphasises the crucial necessity of memory: 'He observes I think with truth that the faculty of memory acts an essential part in the formation of general principles we observe one thing we remember others - I do not recollect that Bacon notices this but it being true the faculty of memory becomes at once important in the inductive process'. The habit and, if possible, act of guarding against the deficiencies of the inductive process strengthens its powers, while conceding its mistakes forms an essential part of all rational logic (both inductive and deductive processes). Bacon 'includes the study of the intellectual faculties under the head of natural philosophy of which he wants the preeminent use and power partly on that essential ground. His tables were meant to strengthen against memory as well as to facilitate observation were they not? To be sure memory is as essential as conception, to all the processes of reason but what we ought to do is to make men see, that analysing the processes gone through by the mind including all its faculties, and watching where they are most apt to stumble, constitutes the science of logic and that the art is an inferior business may assume deficient shapes and be useful in all without being essential in any and that this is equally true of the syllogistic and the Baconian art. Bacon first drew attention to the science part of induction - Aristotle to the art of deduction - passing over the science too lightly but not overlooking it. Now you see a little what I shall set about but till we meet and you have talked at me for a reasonable time I shall not catch exactly what you mean by pure reason'. With regard to WW's suggestions in political economy - 'I will try to make the divisions you wish about auxiliary capital but it will require considerable research and thought and if done will be but an approximation - I doubt most about getting at the manufacturing bit I must try at something like it when treating of the functions of capital - so it will not be labor thrown away'.
1 doc.

07 Mar 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is pleased WW has 'finished me up' ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation by the Revd Richard Jones', The British Critic, Quarterly Theological Review and Ecclesiastical Record, 1831]: 'I much wish if you can do it that you would slightly state that the argument drawn from landlords proportion is decisive against Ricardo on his own shewing but only probable in itself - the changed proportion of population is I think unassailable - indeed I feel sure - also where you state that the Irish starvation would not have taken place in metayer or serf countries and unless under very peculiar and rare circumstances for I have found a case and oddly enough of absentee landlords'. Could WW also state that RJ had only consulted McCulloch's first edition and was not probably aware of the second, since had he seen it he would have added a particular quotation. RJ will not send WW any classification of the population until he is less sure it is erroneous: 'Babbage could help us to the auxiliary manufacturing (one of the most difficult) but I little doubt his willingness - he is good humouredly but evidently thoroughly jealous of his discoveries - as if he had a power of making them as diminutive as it really is extraordinary and vast - he has thought and collected on that very point I suspect - by the bye he says I hear that he could fancy I was talking while he read the book ['An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation', 1831] - the greatest compliment I hold that has been paid to its style yet'. Moreover he recognises 'the fruit and spirit of the undergraduate' concerns 'of the good old set in every page'. Does not WW think it comical that since he last wrote 'I have found out that a tenantry is forming in America - that it is not like the English or quite like any of the old forms but a fresh variety of the metayer [see RJ to WW, 7 March 1831] - what a lesson to guesses but then you know I did not set about guessing till I was twisted into it '.
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09 Mar 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Could WW let him know whether they are to meet on the 16th. RJ has done all he intends regarding Aristotle, Bacon and induction [see RJ to WW, 7 and 9 March 1831]. He should now start on a second volume to compliment his book on rent ['An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation', 1831]: 'I think the best plan will be to work up the condition of the English and Irish poor - Poor Laws etc. in that volume instead of writing a pamphlet which no one will read this spring it is clear enough'. RJ is 'sure much is to be learnt and taught by comparing their condition with that of the laborers in other countries and tracing the results of any differences good and evil to their respective causes'. He has divided the book into 4 chapters: '1 On the various sources of wages 2 on the circumstances which affect variations in the numbers of laborers 3 on the causes which determine the actual rate and are likely to influence the future progress of wages amongst different nations and classes of nations 4 on the peculiar actual position and prospects of the English and Irish laborers'. RJ can supply WW 'with a curious and interesting sketch of the connection of variations of the forms of rent with corresponding variations in manners habits and government in England if you want it and mean to use it'.
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11 Mar 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ sends WW his etymological speculations concerning induction [not attached]. He spoke to John Murray [the publisher of RJ's book on rent] who told him in confidence that he had spoken to John G. Lockhart [Editor of the Quarterly Review] that there would be a review of RJ's book in the next Quarterly hence WW's ambition should be satisfied ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation by the Rev. Richard Jones', The Quarterly Review, 1832]. With regard to 'species Aristotle seems to mean that by some instinctive faculty the mind gets the notion of them when the senses are first conversant with individuals therefore a comparison can be made'.
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15 Mar 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The publisher John Murray has advised RJ to have the other parts of his book printed in Cambridge. They may object to this since they did not publish the first volume on rent: 'To this I humbly submit that as rent is a compleat treatise in itself so will wages be'. If they are to go to the syndicate with a complete manuscript it has to be after the long vacation. RJ is 'dismayed at the reconstructive part of the reform bill and think it weak and mischievous very contemptible and very alarming'.
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22 Mar 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ no longer has an appetite for Aristotle: 'His notions of the mode in which the mind gets the idea of the lowest species appear to me absurd enough but very decided' [see RJ to WW, 15 March 1831]. What does WW 'think of my crotchet that Bacon took up the word induction from the logicians and in the narrow sense to which they had reduced it and then finding it came nearest to his wants rendered it with its pristine generality and majesty of purpose without being aware of the sense in which Aristotle had previously used it - curious if true and I strongly incline to think it so'. RJ hopes WW reads the Bolingbroke he pointed out - 'it is I think the perfection of philosophical style'. He hopes WW does not let the opportunity to review his book for the British Critic pass ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation by the Revd Richard Jones', The British Critic, Quarterly Theological Review and Ecclesiastical Record, 1831]. RJ is worried that his book will get 'into the hands of the Hertford College people [East India College] and I hardly know whether to consider Papa [Thomas Malthus] neutral or inclined to shew fight - by the bye you have not told me what you think of my defence that is about the relative importance of the different rents'.
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24 Mar 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will meet WW in London and they can then go on to Brighton. With regard to the decreasing power of agriculture RJ has 'made no use of the increasing mass of profits paid on auxiliary capital - that argument is yours - very probably sound but I had purposely reserved all calculations on the increasing productive powers of nations as evidenced by the increasing success of profits paid in the Book on Profits. But I think your view likely to be correct'. RJ saw WW 'abused in yesterdays Times - I suppose we shall find at last that those who keep above or aloof from mere party politics had better keep aloof altogether unless in extremes for it is clear we shall get understood by neither pary and abused by both'.
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27 Mar 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has heard that the next Quarterly Review has been advertised with a review of RJ's book in it ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation by the Rev. Richard Jones', The Quarterly Review, 1832]: 'I shall hardly believe it till I see it...Murray and C. are greater noodles still - what the deuce could they all mean with their equivocation and mystery - truly the smallness of the wisdom that governs the literary world deserves to be embodied in a new proverb in which their names should figure. I shall rejoice much to see it. I was prepared to be magnanimous if it was left out - but I knew all along that the circulation of the book depended essentially and mainly on it'. Maria Edgeworth paid RJ a visit - 'tell Sedgwick [Adam Sedgwick] all this. I shall be disappointed if he is not very jealous'. RJ does not know when he will be sending up the manuscript to volume two and hopes WW will not be angry at the delay - it 'is assuming a dignified and attractive shape in my mind'. He has read John Briggs 'Land and Tax in India I wish I had seen it before - but it is clear that tha Indian scholars are fighting about the use of language not about facts - I have invented a neutral phraeology which will simply express the facts and avoid disputed names and I regret not to have used it in Rents'.
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18 Apr 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. WW's 'projects about wages frighten' him and he hopes WW will leave the subject for at least 8 months. RJ is working at his book on wages as fast as is desirable and hopes WW will be a little more patient. As to RJ's fight with 'the poor laws the remedies can not be well understood till the previous inductive view of the state of the laboring classes elsewhere has been gone through a good reason for getting the book out first'. He has had no answer from the Quarterly Review - 'and without full explanation and apology there is of course an end of my communications with them - I have certain projects forming which when a little more tuned I will communicate to you about periodical criticism'. RJ is to dine with James Macintosh 'whom can give me half a dozen facts I want surely'. He wants WW to keep faith in his fertility - 'less than 9 months of gestation will bring you another baby as pretty aye prettier than the last which through me implores you to let it be born in silence and it claims your love and aid'. In WW's discussion of wages RJ wishes he 'would strike out any illusion to the effects of time occupied in the change' ['Mathematical Exposition of Some of the Leading Doctrines in Mr Ricardo's Principles of Political Economy and Taxation', 1831]. .
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23 Apr 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ had no time to see WW after voting in the senate: 'Herschel [John Herschel] was delirious with anxiety to get away...and allowed me not one minute to find someone else to go with him and so I was carried off most reluctantly'. With regard to the application to the Syndicate [concerning the possible printing of his work on wages] - 'I should be ungrateful to your kindness if I did not send you up what M.S. I have'. WW should only apply if he is certain of success. RJ 'will attend to what you say about wages and state distinctly that I mean to treat of the subsistence and reward earned by the laboring classes whether received in the shape of time from another or in any other shape[.] Wages is however perpetually used both in writing and conversation to denote that subsistence or reward in its largest sense and unless taken in that sense it is not a division of wealth entitled to much consideration - hired labourers constitute a very minute faction of the labouring class throughout the globe - the question of population and many others demand and make obviously necessary a more comprehensive view of the rewards of labor'. RJ could do with the sheets of Barhold Niebuhr Julius Hare promised him [Julius Hare and Connop Thirlwall trans. Niebuhr's 'History of Rome', 2 vols., 1828 and 1831].
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11 May 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has received a very positive leter from Lord Lansdowne concerning RJ's book ['An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation', 1832]: 'he had read it with the attention it so eminently deserves'. Having thus read the book he concluded that they [Ricardians] had fallen 'into error by reasoning too much from narrow grounds and that he values proportionably better views - sound inductions etc.'. Lansdowne wants RJ to call on him when in London. 'I am pleased - it is a good and leading opinion gained and apparently strongly gained and apparently strongly pronounced and you whose reputation is more than half committed to the book will not I am sure be above being pleased too'. .
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19 May 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has read and enjoyed WW's review of his book ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation by the Revd Richard Jones', The British Critic, Quarterly Theological Review and Ecclesiastical Record, 1831]: 'there can be no question that it will do much good and you snub it too much'. RJ has not had much time to look at WW's paper on Ricardo ['Mathematical Exposition of Some of the Leading Doctrines in Mr Ricardo's Principles of Political Economy and Taxation', 1831], because William Jacob came and saw something in it which he declared would help with his book and subsequently took it off to London. Could WW thank Julius Hare and Connop Thirlwall for their work on Niebuhr [Julius Hare and Connop Thirlwall trans. Niebuhr's 'History of Rome', 2 vols., 1828 and 1831]. RJ suspects that there is 'a storm brewing' at the Edinburgh Review [J. R. McCulloch, 'Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation By the Rev. Richard Jones', Edinburgh Review, 1831]. Since writing the above RJ has heard that a review of his book will be in the next Quarterly Review ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation by the Rev. Richard Jones', The Quarterly Review, 1832]. .
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28 May 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ had not seen or heard of Richard Whatley's book ['Introductory Lectures on Political Economy, being Part of a Course Delivered in Easter term', 1831] and thinks WW suspicions might be right - 'I hope not for if so it will come to a fight'. Does WW think a few pages prefixed to his proposed volume on wages a good idea? - 'in the use and abuse of definitions shewing first that we do know something of their use and taking them a goodly variety of instances of abuse and all from Whately's own books - you saw those adopted from Senior [Nassau Senior] in his logic [see RJ to WW, 24 February 1831] and now behold do look at his book and see page 6 man may be defined an animal that makes exchanges. And it is in this point of view alone that man is contemplated by political economy and then at page 10 with reference to this Having settled then what it is that political economy is concerned about'. Whately should look around, about and behind him: 'see nations subsisting principally on what they raise and consume from the soil and sovereigns with huge domains cultivated on their account by slaves or serfs and observe that here and indeed in all agricultural communities the greater part of the wealth produced is never exchanged at all and yet that its production and consumption and a variety of changes which take place relative to these influence the wealth of the state the habits character and social relations and mutual dependence of its various orders...in confirming political economy to treating of exchanges of one thing for another thing you overlooked states of society very widely spread and ordinarily the foundation from which all others are raised'. .
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01 Jun 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. With regard to WW's paper on Ricardo, RJ 'can now say with confidence that it only wants unity and adaptation of parts (including both pruning and enlargement) to be all ever I could wish it' ['Mathematical Exposition of Some of the Leading Doctrines in Mr Ricardo's Principles of Political Economy and Taxation', 1831]. Is it possible for RJ to get a vice-chancellor's licence to enable the printing of his work now on his own account. This would save much time and he could then give it to the University when it was ready. .
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11 Oct 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ received WW's papers - 'I assure you this proof of your zealous kindness did me a great deal more good than Mac's [J. R. McCulloch, 'Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation By the Rev. Richard Jones', Edinburgh Review, 1831] dose has done me harm'. RJ has been 'looking back at Cato a train of reasoning recurred to me which I had forgotten but which led me long ago to reject the received opinion of the commentators that the Politor [or Polita] was an occupying tenant and a metayer - and I convinced myself that he was a laborer hired to do the harvest work and paid in produce'. .
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31 Oct 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will soon send WW his refutation of McCulloch's assertions [J. R. McCulloch, 'Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation By the Rev. Richard Jones', Edinburgh Review, 1831] - 'which will shew distinctly what even you will be surprised at the impudent mendacity of almost all Macs assertions more especially as to Ricardo's not meaning to treat of any other than farmers rents'. The use of the Politor [or Politar] in the review 'was a desperate one and the result of my examination in the establishment of a very curious coincidence between the proportion of the crops paid to the harvest laborer in Cato's time and country and our own'. RJ is confident that WW 'will live to see your foster child the book ['An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation', 1831] acknowledged to contain new and useful truths although I begin to see that they are not the most popular comodities to deal in'. The lower classes in RJ's area 'are not in a comfortable state fires have begun again but we have still a good chance they say of a quieter winter than the last - if cowardice and submission can make any people safe we are so - our tory squires are taking the chair at reform meetings and one of their order moved some resolutions to the rabble of Sevenoaks a few days ago in favour of the Bill who confessed to me yesterday that he had never read it and clearly knew little of it and liked less what we told him - such men will force the rabble uppermost before they themselves must sink'.
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21 Oct 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The Quarterly Review is out - 'from the internal evidence of the article and the more direct testimony of old Jacob [William Jacob] I learn that it is not yours but another which Lockhart [John G. Lockhart] has permitted the same person to write who has done their political economy lately and has done Whately in this - now I know that we shall both feel exactly alike on this occasion - indignation at L's gratuitous impertinence mixed with thankfulness that our child has got this lift from any hand so opportunely in its hour of need' ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation By Rev. Richard Jones, Quarterly Review, 1831]. RJ suggests ways of responding to J. R. McCulloch's adverse review ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation By the Rev. Richard Jones', Edinburgh Review, 1831]: 'I shall send you my papers on Macs article which I shall lay aside for the present - I have analysed it now pretty compleatly and desire no better weapon to belabor him with. It abounds with instances of misrepresentation and ignorance so glaring that they must be striking and what surprises me more, with more than one proof that he is often honestly (if I may complement a term with any thing belonging to him but honesty [)] incapable of understanding much of my reasoning deductive as well as inductive - how the devil did he understand Ricardo? or am I really more abstruse than I meant to be? - Mac's wilful sins however predominate of which I hope he will live to repent'. The review of Whately is good in design but indifferent in execution [The Quarterly Review, 1832]. RJ expects a great piece of work from John Herschel 'if he lives and does not let astronomy engross him at last, about which I have my fears, for I can see nothing likely to come of it in either hemisphere which I think worthy of him. .
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03 Nov 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ's job will delay his beginning to print the second volume of his work. When WW receives RJ's reply to John R. McCulloch's review of his book ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation By the Rev. Richard Jones', Edinburgh Review, 1831] - 'you shall decide how it shall be used and by whom'. RJ does not know who the poitical economist was who reviewed his book in the Quarterly Review ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation By Rev. Richard Jones, Quarterly Review, 1831] but expects to find out next week: 'I can very well account for your abstinence from direct praise - you must naturally have felt very much as if you were reviewing a book of your own'. Has it ever occured to WW 'that if Ricardo McCulloch and Co. really ever suspected anything about peasants rents their general positions as to the regulating causes of wages must have been modified?' RJ is pleased that WW has a chance of getting rid of his Professorship - 'Induction demands all your devotion'.
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07 Nov 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ accepts WW's offer to be a bystander and gives up all idea of writing anything himself [responding to John McCulloch's adverse review of RJ's book - 'Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation By the Rev. Richard Jones', Edinburgh Review, 1831]. However, RJ does think WW should see what he has written and he will send him a copy. He will also 'send back you Pryme's [George Pryme] letter. The professors chemical illustration is so ingenious that it is almost a pity it is inapplicable - but though neither he nor McCulloch can comprehend it, yet the fact is (as you will see) that I have in tracing farmers rents made no such confusion as that which they complain of and I have asked pure rents and rejected returns to landlords improvements with a strictness of abstract analysis which ought to please them - but which has only puzzled them - as to the metayers - do turn to page 73 and 74 where I have stated nearly what Pryme states himself, as to the mixture of funds - I promised more. I am afraid his memory is not as good as might be wished for'. RJ is sorry WW is to be on the Council of the Royal Society. Does WW know that Charles Babbage is 'concocting some thunder to crush Daniel who preached against his Causes of Decline ['Reflections on the Decline of Science in England and on some of its Causes', 1830] in his inaugural lecture at King's College - B.'s murder of Sabine [Edward Sabine] has made him blood thirsty and adventurous - he will commit more slaughter very likely - but when a man runs a muck he always gets slain at last - this warlike project of his is a secret mind, pray do not let it escape or I shall have a taste of the create'. RJ is annoyed with WW over his decision to be on the Council of the Royal Society because 'I find to my infinite vexation that party feeling is still so high in turn that you will lose some of the good will of people not otherwise than estimable'. RJ's reviewer in the Quarterly Review 'is a man of fortune - a ministerialist - rather an ultra liberal and apparently so ashamed of writing in the Tory Journal that he makes a point of concealment which will not last long I dare say - even what I tell you however is to be a great secret' ['Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and the Sources of Taxation By Rev. Richard Jones, Quarterly Review, 1831].
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26 Nov 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ asked WW in his last letter whether he could come to Cambridge for Christmas but has not yet received a reply. He has enclosed a rough version of his refutation of 'almost every assertion in the review' [John McCulloch, 'Review of An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation By the Rev. Richard Jones', Edinburgh Review, 1831. See RJ to WW, 26 November 1831]. .
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05 Dec 1831

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ presents a story of the evolution of the cloth trade in France. He begins with the moment the king's seal of approval is established to certify that a piece of cloth is correct and of the right quality. He then notes the struggle which emerged between merchants, manufacturers and labour with the regulations falling into disrepute. He then looks at Colbert's attempt to make France manufacture for export by copying the English and Flemish regulations. Colbert was abused and ridiculed by the economists for thinking that such regulations could be useful: 'Now for the moral - when first established this abused regulation this shackle upon industry was eminently useful. The English then exported their cloths to staple towns where they were bought by foreigners from the Mediterranean the Baltic etc. - If the buyers had been cheated redress was hopeless - the want of ports - agencies - etc. the expense and dangers of voyages and lawsuits made indeed redress all but impassable - but the King's seal was an assurance to the buyer - the seller profited by his confidence in it and the export was enlarged. Times changed - communications became more perfect - responsible companies appeared as exporting merchants - the seal became less needed - in time the superintendence and initial fees became a burden and nuisance which ought to have been abated' but they were not. 'Next comes Colbert with his blind imitation of the part without reference to change of circumstances or the spirit of the times'. This is an example of 'founding a general principle on a true but insulated fact namely Colbert's blunder and helplessness and dogmatising and predicating to their own delight and the edification of the world about the necessary and utter folly of regulations at all times and places'. RJ is in wonder at the St. Simoniens - L'Organizatein: 'I am bold to say, one of the half dozen most extraordinary and interesting books in the world. Learned - logical - powerful - feeling - good - and taming - ignorant - unreasonable - feeble mischievous and disgusting - making one alternately proud and ashamed and afraid of being one of the generation that has produced it'. Further, there 'are some excellent speculations on induction and much in your spirit as to the provinces of the imagination - the intellect and the senses in seizing on general laws - and then such assumptions historical - moral - and economical - and much confident deductions and much blasphemy and much folly'. The book is 'spawned from an unnatural conjunction of the strength and weakness of the human mind and redolent of the times we live in and of those which are departing and a thing you must study - NB It is the hardest book I ever read'. .
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17 Jan 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will be in Brighton most of next week and would like to know WW's movements. The St. Simonien book RJ called L'Organizatein [see RJ to WW, 17 January, 1832] 'is properly entitled Doctrine de Saint Simon - Exposition -Memiere Arunel - 1828-1829 - second edition - Paris - Au Baneau de L'Organizatein'. The 'book is a strange manifestation of the strength of the past and present labouring in its weakness to create a future but I doubt if there are many who will understand and appreciate it as a marked phenomenon in the story of mind - you will'.
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21 Jan 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has been very ill with plethora and has taken to severe exercise (he weighs 16 stone). John Herschel is to visit RJ for a couple of days: 'His wife writes word that he has something to talk to me about - I earnestly hope it may not be his scheme of expatriation which I can neither relish nor find fault with'. RJ has received Charles Babbage's book or paper - 'An Essay on the General Principles which Regulate the Application of Machinery to Manufactures etc ['The Economy of Machinery and Manufactures', 1832]. It is a characteristic thing - full of ingenuity, precision and acuteness, and a strange collection of facts taken from his common place book - some striking and valuable - some trivial and uninteresting but all apparently of equal value in his estimation very loosely connected and forming a whole as little like an Essay on General Principles of any kind as can well be coupled with his former sketch to which it is inferior in method and I think in merit, it is to form a little book like Herschel's but unless he adds much prose and rearrangement it will when measured by its title be counted superficial I should think - all this of course entre nous - he sends it me that I may remark on the political economy - I see little or none except an explanation of the manner in which the division of labor saves skilled labor which is striking and true though not I think of first rate importance which I know he imagines it is - I shall shuffle in my answer to him for I know full well that my very deep conviction of his genius and power would be a poor atonement for letting him see that I think this a bagatelle - the matter would have told well mixed up with lectures'. RJ wants to write a book 'On the economic conditions of the existence of different political institutions starting with the radical (i.e. liberal) proposition that those forms of government are best which secure persons and property at the least expense and with the least sacrifice of individual free agency and then shewing that no forms or modification of one form can do this under all circumstances using some facts as to the generation of classes, revenues, and bands of connections which you have seen...tracing their influence as the possible combinations of executive - legislative and judicial powers in nations - appealing of course to history and the world as it is and stabbing the metaphysical and abstract constitution mongers home with facts and details and induction - voila'.
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17 Feb 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Herbert Mayo, an old friend of RJ's at King's College (London), has informed him that Nassau Senior has resigned his professorship there. Mayo thinks RJ would be elected to replace Senior if he stood as a candidate. Does WW think the post would be a good move for him. For one thing RJ is happy where he lives. He would also like to pursue his career in the church: 'Now would not my taking the professorship be throwing away this favourite chance - such as it is - and be considered as an abandonment of the clerical line?' Further, is RJ 'not better employed in speculating upon or rather exploring a portion of the field than I should be in the more shewy task of throwing new light upon the whole'. Would RJ's speculations make good lectures? - 'you know full well that with my views I could not honestly dogmatize'. He does not think his views are suited for beginners. RJ attaches an extract from Mayo's letter. RJ met Herr Von Schlegel [Augustus Wilhelm von Schlegel] at Jacob's [William Jacob] and was very impressed with the 'great man'. .
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15 Mar 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. WW very nearly took the same line as RJ regarding the King's College professorship [see RJ to WW, 15 March 1832], namely, that he would take the post if offered to him [Professor of Political Economy]. RJ has received a letter from D'oyly, which like Herbert Mayo's, is very complimentary 'but mixed with a candid confusion of the dread of the subject which pervades their council and of their opinion that it is not a promising topic to lecture students on'. .
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20 Mar 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will come to Cambridge to vote for Joseph Romilly on Thursday. RJ hopes WW is mistaken regarding the reasons Nassau Senior resigned the professorship at King's: 'D'oyly assures me that Mr Senior resigns because he has been appointed to the commission on the poor laws which will take up all his time. He is appointed as the head of that commission with I understand a considerable salary and considering that he is too a conveyancer in full practice this reason seems sufficient. - Neither King's College or myself should get any credit by its being supposed I was put there as an ecclesiastical puppet to fight tithe haters - I need not tell you I would act no such part but I cannot pretend that I should be insensible to the charge of doing so, while at the same time my own views would necessarily lead me to oppose Whately [Richard Whately] and Senior's [Nassau Senior] projects about tithes if I was forced to grapple with the subject inasmuch as with the needless dogmatism which disfigures all they say or do they have got a new fangled system of their own ready cut and dried which they would like to force down the throats of England and Ireland on their authority and without the slightest regard to local difficulties reasonable modifications or any ones views or experience but their own'.
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21 Mar 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has heard nothing so far regarding the King's College professorship in political economy [see RJ to WW, 21 March 1832]. RJ has been in Brighton 'where Mrs Jones is - much better and going through a regular course of galvanising - a most severe process as I learnt by trying it but she has faith in abundance and I a little'. RJ met John Lockhart in Brighton - 'he talked away much and with apparent openess and amongst other sallies abused you in much an edifying manner that I wished for you there - he says you can write reviews and of all kinds capitally - prose or serious, light or philosophical but that you are a careless hasty fellow and take no little pains that you are rather provoking than not and enough to make an editor mourn the not being able to manage such a desirable hand more to his mind - you would have laughed - so did I'. .
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17 Apr 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. At the meeting of the King's College council all appointed RJ for the post of Professor of Political Economy, except Edward Copleston,'who opposed stating that there was philosophy in my book which was not Oxford philosophy or to that effect not that he had read it but was told so'. The matter has been left for future consideration.
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28 Apr 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ gives a brief summary of parliamentary developments: 'The Greys are out - 2nd - Wellington declines and recommends Lord Harrowby who is at work constructing his cabinet'. Henry Brougham asked the king to create some peers (Lord Grey requested fifty) - the king said no.
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09 May 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has very bad rheumatism. He observes all around him 'with a painful confidence which all my efforts cannot lesson the process of revolution and public and private miserey'. RJ would like an account of WW's experience at Oxford.
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30 Jun 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. WW should not come to visit him next week as his house is in a state of mourning since Mary Attree died yesterday. However, WW would cheer him up if he came a week or two later.
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18 Jul 1832

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has come up with the word 'merrymismology' to describe the education taken by ladies completing their education at the scientific institutions in London - 'should you not like to be the first Professor and give instruction in merrymeismology to the ladies at the royal institution'. RJ encloses an extract of a letter he received from Hugh Rose complimenting WW's Bridgewater Treatise ['Astronomy and General Physics Considered with Reference to Natural Theology', 1833].
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28 Jan 1833

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is at work on his first lecture as Professor of Political Economy at King's College, and should have a copy to show WW in ten days time: 'In the mean time I find I cannot limit my subject without a definition of wealth, which however I shall declare to be merely arbitrary and meant to convey no knowledge but a knowledge of what wealth I meant to treat of and what to neglect or exclude . Malthus's is The material objects necessary, useful or agreeable to man, which have required some portion of human exertion to appropriate or produce. MacCulloch's [J.R. McCulloch] those articles or products which have exchangeable value, and are either necessary, useful or agreeable to man'. McCulloch 'takes in immaterial wealth[,] skill[,] wisdom etc. service of menials etc. and limits, by the phrase exchangeable value. If he had kept the word material I would not have quarrelled with his exchangeable value which Malthus admits in the Quarterly'. However, 'it has misled Mac. himself to call Political economy the science of values and Whately [Richard Whately] into arguing that Political economists have nought to do with wealth save so far forth as it has exchangeable value'. RJ would like 'to stick wherever I can to Malthus but he has abandoned his own definition and it is clear exchangeable value is a dangerous attribute to define from where logicians or Scotch systematizers are to be found'. RJ proposes: 'The material objects which are appropriated by man previous to being used by him (I like used best) to their consumption. This shuts out light, air, water, (not appropriated) and skill[,] menial services etc. avoids the necessity of the words necessary[,] useful or agreeable because no one takes the trouble to appropriate what is none of these - includes the idea of exchangeable value since whatever is appropriated may be exchanged and shuts out all temptation to talk nonsense about the science being a science of values - confined to exchanges etc'. RJ re-phrases his definition of wealth - 'The material objects which man appropriates, before he uses them avoiding both the participles on which are appropriated by man before he uses them I like the last best'.
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09 Feb 1833

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has seen John Herschel off at Portsmouth [trip to South Africa]: 'They had 30 passengers on board - 7 of them ladies many apparently agreeable people and every prospect of beginning happily what they wisely determine to consider altogether a party of pleasure'. RJ called on Julius Hare and saw some of his pictures - 'He has several of the Venetian school - splendid specimens of coloring but I think (I am no great connoisseur) only two really first rate pictures one the portrait of a man by Giorgione [Giorgio Barbarelli Giorgione] - The other the madonna - it is perhaps a Raphael - undoubtedly of his school'. Hare's pictures and mansion must have cost a great deal. However, 'His country is I think ugly and his neighbourhood I suspect bad'. .
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15 Nov 1833

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ went to dine with Henry Hallam, Thomas Malthus and John Elliot Drinkwater at Charles Babbage's. Malthus did not turn up: 'I prevailed on Babbage (who was not reluctant) to call a general meeting of the Committee of the association [BAAS] for next week and got an authority from them to set about forming a society as the best means of carrying the spirit of the Cambridge instructions into effect'. RJ proposes to divide the proposed Statistical Society as follows: 'Economical Statistics 1 agriculture - 2 manufactures 3 commerce and currency 4 distribution of wealth i.e. rent[,] wages and profits. Political Statistics 1. statistics of elements of institutions...2 Legal statistics number of national and local tribunals, nature of causes tried etc. public establishments etc. etc. Medical Statistics 1 general medical statistics 2 Population (the doctors say they shall want subdivisions) Moral Intellectual Statistics 1 Crime 2 education and literature 3 ecclesiastical statistics'. The first meeting will be in two or three weeks. .
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18 Feb 1834

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The Statistical Society 'went off well - Hallam[,] Babbage, Drinkwater and myself are a committee - It was proposed not by me but by Hallam to ask you to be one of the Council (we count you see on your joining us) will you be a counseller?' If RJ had been resident he would have signed the Cambridge petition [opening up for Dissenters?] if it could not be altered. However, he believes he could have altered it 'so as to bring in Smythe as I understand his objection and I half hope yourself. Why not have put forward preminently a declaration that the Petitioners were determined to do or submit to nothing which should endanger or lessen the means or efficiency of the University in her appropriate and peculiar function of an instructress in the doctrines and discipline of the Church of England'. In this way leaving 'the whole question of what privileges should be given to and what withheld from dissenting graduates open'. RJ believes 'residents and nonresidents will have the question brought before them again and again and though I hope we could take separate sides without danger I confess I could not do it without sorrow'.
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23 Mar 1834

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has been suffering in the bad weather. He is proceeding with his sequel to his book on rents ['An Essay on the Distribution of Wealth and on the Sources of Taxation', 1831] and would like to have a talk with WW about it. RJ has attached a sketch of his plan which he would like WW to comment upon [no longer attached].
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1 May 1834

Richard Jones to William Whewell. 'Let me talk about your book first ['The History of the Inductive Sciences, from the Earliest to the Present Time', 3 vols, 1837] - I cannot promise allegiance to all your metaphysical views but it gave me much comfort to perceive that you do not mean to write the book in the synthetical form in which you put the substance of it in your first letter. If you analise and unravel the different stages knowledge has gone through and the mind must go through in reaching it then up to the last points your book must be full of useful and interesting truth and those last points, the hyperphysical hooks and glue, are (forgive me) happily by no means of first rate importance and I am sure that if you attempted to synthesize and begin with them you would be thought as wild as Gothe himself when he wrote about light mind you may be perfectly right after all but there is film in my eye as yet when I get to these points a film which I seriously hope you will help to remove'. RJ has been in the valleys for three weeks and off to Ditching tomorrow. Since he did not know where to send WW this letter in Edinburgh, he has sent it to Thomas Chalmers - 'pray make my excuses to him for the liberty I have taken I hope he is well and an active statistician'. .
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08 Sep 1834

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Thanks WW for his tracts - 'I have read mine as you may imagine with pleasure because you know how compleatly I share your views - I sincerely think the banishment of the obsolete geometry which you and others effected in your youth a much less substantial benefit than that you will confer if you can make the mathematics of Cambridge a course of sound logical discipline ['Thoughts on the Study of Mathematics as Part of a Liberal Education', 1835]. Drinkwater [John Elliot Drinkwater] who occasionally spars at your philosophy goes along with you here he tells me altogether so he is in a fair way to be wholly converted I trust'. Drinkwater has recently 'been appointed a sort of draftsman to the home office he has instructions to prepare plans for 4 bills on church matters and has asked and got leave to take me into council - we have produced a sketch of a tithe bill which I think thoroughly good but it has not yet been accepted at head quarters - I am as pleased as I can be in my present state of spirits with having got again some hold on a measure I have always continued to persuade myself ought not to be settled without aid from my wisdom (all this is between ourselves)'. The fate of Haileybury [East India College] is still under consideration. .
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11 Nov 1835

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is unwell and is 'enraged at not being able to vote for Wordsworth [Christopher Wordsworth]' and will be upset if he loses.
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1 Feb 1836

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The directors of the East India College applied to the board of control to reappraise RJ's appointment for one more year with regret: 'The board of control, with some empty words of civility to myself, refused to make the appointment for more than 6 months. The refusal is considered by all as the knell of the college'. This will mean RJ will be cast off without a pension. RJ has sought a church appointment in Kent - 'The Archbishop sends a kind answer but he has felt obliged to offer it to Lonsdale who having resigned at Stall at Lichfield and St. Georges Bloomsbury, and holding 1000l. a year from St. Davids and 300l. from Lincolns Inn and having it is said 3000l. a year of his own from his wife's, yet is thinking of swallowing this retired living of 500l. a year out of mere wanteness and caprice'. Regarding other matters the tithe bill is advancing and RJ's friend, D'oyly, thinks it is time the Church reacted - 'he has spoken to the Bishop of London, who had not thought of me, and had engaged to ask for it for some one else - but admits I am the better man and urges D'oyly to write at once to the Archbishop - he has done so strongly - and if Blomfield, when consulted, gives as I think he will, his opinion to counterbalance the application he is pledged to, why it may be the most desirable way of applying his weight to help me'. It is not expected that the Archbishop will make up his mind yet - 'In the mean time I most fear those who has the confidence of the Ultra Church, with which the Archbishop's affections go, though his prudence lags behind them - but Rose [Hugh Rose] will take any purely ecclesiastical thing that falls if near London and perhaps may have thought better about this post - I am resolved not to be annoyed with him, do what he will about it and so I stand'.
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1 Apr 1836

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has shown the dedication and preface ['The History of the Inductive Sciences, from the Earliest to the Present Time ', 3 vols., 1837] to Drinky [Drinkwater?] who has made some remarks which RJ disagrees with: 'I do not think you have spoken too much of yourself in the preface and I like it much but look at Drinky's notes'. RJ was examined in front of a committee at the House of Commons yesterday [presumably concerning tithe bill]. RJ has heard the Adam Sedgwick is to made the Bishop of Norwich.
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1 Feb 1837

Richard Jones to William Whewell. WW's 'large book will do its work and efficiently but it wants time ['The History of the Inductive Sciences, from the Earliest to the Present Time', 3 vols., 1837]. The little one I take will work quicker and altogether you are the spirit of the movement and as such I bid you all Hail' ['On the Principles of English University Education', 1837]. RJ would like to review them. Hugh Rose's dislike [of RJ's work on behalf of the Church concerning the tithe bill] is 'rooted and increasing and it heads out in all sorts of ways but as he still thinks he hides it I shall appear blind but I much fear some outbreak in his magazine against me and mine viz. the commissioners and thier bill for he is evedently content and happy to believe any thing every frightened, foolish or mischievous country parson he knows (and he knows many such) please to tell him'. RJ has 'not had time to digest the logic of your mechanical Euclid and I do not promise you at present a compleat concurrence in your mode of putting the foundation of demonstration - substantially I think I can see we agree' [Mechanical Euclid', 1837]. .
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11 May 1837

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has had a letter from Ryan [Edward Ryan] who has asked RJ to get his bookseller to send him WW's book ['The History of the Inductive Sciences, from the Earliest to the Present Time', 3 vols., 1837] - 'and says he delayed answering a letter of yours till he was ashamed to do it'. RJ has 'been reading the pocket pistol again ['The Mechanical Euclid', 1837] and am sorry to say have come to the conclusion either that you are wrong or that I have no statical intuition - an inconvenience as small to me as most men. I agree with the substance of all you say about geometry - the views you take and enforce appear to me new and pregnant with truths widely applicable to the science of mind but I cannot join in your application of them to statics. I have no intuitive conceptions that I can discover of force and matter like those I have of space and its divisions and their boundaries. I exert force - I see forces exerted but I am so made as always to refer them to unknown causes and have no conviction that these causes may not be different and vary in power, and the mode and conditions of exerting it. So again as to material bodies I have a conviction that they all resist force but I have no conviction independent of experience that the mode in, and extent to, which different material bodies resist it have nothing to do with their organization -to me therefore the argument of the sufficient reason (on which you rest) has no force whatever independently of convention - I have no abstract notion of force and matter though I can agree to reason about such notions - in no one particular instance therefore am I sure that all the causes which may influence the phenomena are really known to me. I cannot therefore predicate in individual instances (real ones) that there is no reason why one result should not occur rather than another and till I begin to reason about force and matter in the state of arbitrary nakedness to which you reduce them I am so far from seeing intuitively that the angles which the arms of a lever make at the fulcrums do not affect the quantity of force necessary to move them that in sober truth I only believe it now because you say so - Points, lines, angles, the foundations of Geometry are conceptions nature supplies me with which I cannot even in thought get rid of material objects which oppose a like uniform resistance to given quantities of force and quantities of force which are wholly independently of causes and modes of exertion in the effects they are to produce in particular cases, are conceptions which are not forced upon me by nature - which I can shake off in thought - I can conceive a material world very differently circumstanced in these respects from what you tell me ours is. The generalities and abstractions you insist on my taking as the foundation of a line of deductive argument are to me the mere creatures of convention and my belief in their reality and truth does not accompany me to the contemplation of a single phenomenon of the external world - the forces which I exert to lift 1/2 a wt of iron and half a hundred weight of lead might for any conviction nature forces on me have been very different although their weight that is according to your definition the force they exert in obedience to the law of gravity continued equal. By this time if you have read so far you have doubtless come to the conclusion that my intuitions are defective - He'las pan moi - I hope you may meet no more instances of half made men - but I should like to be the confidential father confessor of your youths and hear what they would say if they dared - That we should be able to form imperfect conceptions which still help us to predict the phenomena of the external world that we should be furnished with an inductive principle of belief which forces us to expect like effects from like causes - that this should guide us exactly in the task of interpretation and anticipation these no doubt are to me marvels but not more so than the inner voice which guides the lamb to its mothers teat, the bee in its task and the swallow in its flight and I fall back with reverence and joy I hope when I came in right of the makers handiwork and recognise those fundamental laws of belief which we the offspring of his will, through which his purposes are effected which are to me if all the phenomena of nature the most pregnant and convincing proof of his presence[,] power and goodness. I know you get at similar views by a different path - the inductive nature of our convictions seems to me the end of all your speculations as well as mine and if you persuade the world as I hope you will to go on analising all they arrive at the ultimate laws which regulate belief in truths of different classes you may be content with your success although we do not all agree to adopt your halting places'. .
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13 May 1837

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has been miserable about the review, Buller [Charles Buller], Haileybury and all his travelling to and fro. Barker [Peter Williams Barker] will be coming up to Trinity tommorow: 'His an excellent felow and I think a clever one - he will read steadily and unswevingly for your first class'. Both RJ andCharlotte Jones are very fond of him: 'If I died before my wife it is to him I would willingly look forward as her protector'. .
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16 Oct 1837

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is concerned over 'Buller's [Charles Buller] dangerous illness and the succession to his office - I went to town and after consultation with Ryan [Edward Ryan] wrote to Ld. Monteagle asking his advice'. RJ will not probably see WW in Cambridge for at least another week. Has WW seen the Westminster Review? - 'Neither very fair nor very strong but the readers of the Westminster will be neither worse or wiser for it'.
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1 Dec 1837

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ could not ask WW 'to our fooleries at Haileybury inasmuch as our house was offered to any of the young mens friends who chose to occupy are beds - Charlotte and I often remark that you have come to us less often since we lived between Cambridge and London than at any other period of our married life - which is a great shame'.
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21 Apr 1840

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Lefevre [Charles Shaw Lefevre] has written to WW from Trinity Lodge. If he is still there will WW tell him to do what he wants with Herbert's report. .
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08 Dec 1841

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Mr Williams has a history of writing begging letters and is not altogether unworthy. Charlotte Jones has suffered more attacks of faintness. George Peacock 'has lately shewn an occasional want of worldly tact which has surprised and is just now embarrassing me - He wanted me to go to the Home Office on an errand which would have insured I am laughingly told thier sending for a surgeon to bleed me and now he is pressing views about Peel's corn-measure which I think vexatious and wanting me to struggle for a modification of it on the part of the church which I should think a great calamity to the church'. As for the new list of towns, this 'will not affect us to the extent of 10s in the 100s if he or any one else can shew him it will do more Peel will remodel it and yet he wants to establish 2 lists for averages by one of which our incomes would be regulated - by the other prices and rents - I think the plan suicidal'. 'The whig-radicals are chuckling at the prospect of embroiling the church and the landowners and the government on this point and have been making some quiet attempts to convert me into a cats paw for their purpose - I laugh at them but am annoyed about Peacock who I know is sincere and honest'. RJ will 'get Peacocks views submitted to Peel if I can quietly but really I cannot adopt them'. .
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03 Mar 1842

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will have to cancel their planned visit to Cambridge as Charlotte Jones is ill. RJ is sending her to Brighton - 'our first visit after she comes back shall be to you if it is convenient to you'. RJ is 'worried enough in London about Peel's measure etc. I find (I think) I am in a majority - as I neither share the fears of the minority nor can reconcile myself at all to their remedies I cannot promise to help them but I shall make their views known in all proper quarters' [see RJ to WW, 3 March 1842]. They are debating about demolishing the East India House. RJ thinks they will all 'be jobbed - all this uncertainty about my home and prospects for they hang on my position here'.
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19 Mar 1842

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The idea of a protest had struck RJ. Charlotte Jones is coming home apparently in ill health. RJ had wanted to talk to WW about his lectures but has formed them without doing so - 'my course of lectures constitute a great book in my head which occasionally well nigh splits it - after resolving and reresolving I have at last made up my mind to write out a very full syllabus and shall accomplish it in a month or two - this done I will get you to look at it and then determine on publishing in parts or as a whole'. .
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11 Apr 1842

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will be delayed in London on business and therefore will not be able to get to WW. RJ mentioned WW's 'plan of a protest to the Archbishop and to the Bishop of London[.] The Archbishop says no. The Bishop of London seemed struck by it and said he would consider and talk with the Archbishop about it. The third reading will be the right time - as it is not meant to oppose the measure'. RJ is feeling confident about his course of lectures. Robert Peel 'carries all before him stoutly but he is in a false position in some respects and I fear for the sake of conservatism that we shall see a reaction'. WW will be pleased to see Edward Ryan in a few months - 'he will be as strong as if he had never been in India'. .
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19 Apr 1842

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Thanks WW for his account of the election [for Thomas Turton's vacated chair (Regius Professor of Divinity). WW voted for William Hodge Mill but Alfred Olivant was elected]: 'I am glad you was able to vote for Mill without injuring Wordsworth [Christopher Wordsworth junior]'. RJ is 'puzzled for some measure of the addition of human power made by tools[,] machinery etc. independently of any moving force besides the human frame. Dupin [Charles Dupin] and others confine themselves in comparing the relative productive powers of nations to a comparision of moving forces as wind['] steam[,] horses etc'. However 'give one man a spade[,] hoe and pickaxe leave another without them - what a difference between a population well supplied throughout with the best implements and machinery and a population ill supplied though their motive force be assumed the same. Take a cotton mill and a 80 horse power steam engine - but then look inside the mill and see the mechanical contrivances - do not they add also to the productive power of the population - why do I scribble all this why I want to ask you if you think Willis [Robert Willis] would give any thought to the subject if I wrote a short paper on it and sent it to him'. 'In estimating the progress and present state of industry throughout the world it is of essential importance and has been overlooked'.
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14 Feb 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Has WW seen young Mill's book [John S. Mill, 'A System of Logic Ratiocinative and Inductive: Being a Connected View of the Principles of Evidence and the Methods of Scientific Investigation', 1843]: 'there is much that must interest us. He bestows a length of tedious pages on the first elements of dialectics which will assuredly frighten the public. I have only just got through this and like the atmosphere I have arrived at pretty well - which is a pity - he called me a blood-hound you know and I should have liked to be able to lay at him a little more than I feel disposed to do after looking at the book'. RJ and Charlotte Jones are going to stay with John Herschel for a week in Kent. Haileybury has been rocked by internal quarrelling. .
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06 Apr 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is full of things to say to WW as he continues to read John S. Mill's book on Logic. John Herschel has not yet got trhrough Mill's section on dialectics [see RJ to WW, 6 April 1843] - 'he likes them but thinks as you do of Comte - or more meanly still. Mill obviously struggles against light and would willingly like Whately [Richard Whately] first shew the real value of the syllogism and then represent the use of it as the best means of getting at new truths for inconsistent as this is what else can he mean by talking of a deductive method which is opposed to and better than and which is to supplant induction - on which induction it is after all to rest. Practically he prefers I presume the smallest possible quantity of induction and the greatest possible of ratiocination. It would serve him right to take some of the social science in the probable progress of which he discards induction and shew where ratiocination led in other days his Papa and himself. How moderate an induction would have been their observation and how little when reasoning had led them by the nose into a slough they were in any plight to save themselves by a verification of facts. There is not only the case but a little army of cases in which they might be shewn floundering and lost and their path traced back through this miserable logic. I must read the second vol. over again after I have finished it once. I find much of it very obscure'. .
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15 Apr 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is unable to lecture due to a 'visitation of the nerves of the face'. RJ thinks that the common character of Francois C. M. Fourier, Augustus Comte and John S. Mill is the St. Simonieonites - they 'began with speculating on induction and well then they applied their instrument of discovery to history and politics, they found out that preceding states of mankind[,] religious and intellectual followed each other in a sort of necessary sequence in which have and.I.L. found their proper places while the course of events urged on by a fluid and unreasoning necessity was even now producing new forms of religion and policy also in their proper place of which novelties they the great inductors were to be the prophets[,] expounders and administrators - and having the present and future thus in their hands they set no limits to the practical profligacy they meant to indulge in and having preached a community of women and goods they perished because it was quite clear they did not mean to share fairly'. RJ gives a synopsis of Fourier's book - 'published at the common expense of a society of Frenchmen associated for the purpose of disseminating his doctrines and if possible trying his plans. I see nothing of the inductive part but he takes up mathematically and astronomically the theory of successive cycles distinguished by different religious and political systems of these some are better some worse we are near the close of the very worst which is only to last 5000 years and near the opening of the very best which is to last 15000. He of course reveals its regime and becomes at once more disgustingly profligate than the St. Simoniens because more elaborately and systematically'. Further, 'every woman is to be allowed 5 lovers - besides casual professors - by two of the lovers only is she to have children. and towns and buildings are to be constructed with a view to carry out all this in winter and summer by night and by day with the greatest possible comfort and convenience'. 'Very mad you say - good[,] in what sort of atmosphere moral[,] political and intellectual could all this be generated and wonderful to tell inculcated in an expensive form and with a confidence of finding readers and adherents?' RJ has nothing to say about the morals of Comte's books - 'Though there are significant indications of a new code of his own. But he too is an inductor (a very bad one) and is going to bring politics and religion to obedience to the laws of the positive sciences and whatever becomes of morals all that there is theological feudal or metaphysical in public institutions or ideas is to fall crushed beneath the power of the new positive philosophy and its revelations. With him too all the past has obeyed a set of laws acting quite independently of any will human or divine and so will the proxiamte future - the exact regime of that future he does not disclose - all existing institutions and opinions are to be chased away and as a practical preliminary step he proposes a committee of 30 sitting permanently at Paris consisting of 8 Frenchmen[,] 7 Englishmen and made aply the seat of the Continent who are to preach against all the past and proclaim the coming era till the nations of the earth are willing to receive new laws[,] manners[,] institutions and morals from the hand of a wise legislator Mr. Comte of course or his disciples - the change of institutions though compleat is to be less important than the equally compleat change in morals and manners from which again every thing theological[,] feudal or metaphysical is to be excluded and positive science is to preside and dictate'. Comte 'is a child of the St. Simoniens without either their philosophical cleverness or their bold unblushing profligacy'. Just as Comte dedicates his book to Fourier, Mill dedicates his book to Comte: 'Whatever Mill may think of their morals his book we must admit steers clear of their profligacy but he of all men is unlucky in being linked with such a man at all. But as a philosopher Comte has alone a great deal towards mystifying him'. .
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17 May 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ stayed a week at Spa and then worked his way through the Flemish towns. He was disappointed with the architecture - 'all are gothic applied to purposes wide of those of the Gothic they are borrowed from and want the Grace of propriety where they want nothing else as it seems to me'. Conversely he was delighted with the pictures. 'The dreamy Germans are not trustworthy I have persuaded myself'.
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22 Sep 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has been so delayed that he thinks they must give up all notions of meeting. All the collection of materials needed for a parliamentary refutation is RJ's task. The daily press 'is a strange nuisance to combat it from day to day is an unseemingly task and lies spring up faster than they are crushed - but the daily assertions of the Times do great mischief and Tafty [a Welsh reporter working for the Times] at least believes them all. It is almost comical to know as we do that the great leniency of the welsh tithe-owners (in South Wales that is) is precisely what has given currency to an opinion there , that the tenth of the rent is all they owed and has really brought on the storm. They pay much less in proportion to produce and prices than in any other part of England or Wales and have established 4/5 of their rent-charges by agreements of their own'. RJ has been struck down by a fever. .
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15 Oct 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The Principal of Haileybury College, Charles Webb Le Bas has resigned: 'I am more pained than I could have anticipated at seeing him thus driven from his home and office'. His 'probable successor cannot be looked forward to very cheerfully'. If Jeremie [James Amiraux Jeremie] 'could have served under L Bas quietly and cordially - the place would have dropt into his mouth in a year or two - as it is no one dreams of him here as in London and he knows it' - he is 'wholly unconscious of what he has done to others - almost insanely so'. RJ's coachman has committed suicide - 'the whole household has been in gloom'.
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14 Nov 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has heard the WW has broken one of his ribs. Could WW let him know if this is the case. Edward Ryan is still in good spirits. The Herschels have invited RJ to join them and Maria Edgworth at their home - 'but my wife will not move just now and I do not like to leave her'.
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25 Nov 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ knows 'of cases where rent-charges are collected for 2 1/2 per cent and of others where it costs 20 per cent and without knowing the particular circumstances of every case I can give no opinion on it'. Where the payers are few and opulent, such as in the rural districts, the rents are cheap. Conversely the expensive cases are in districts where the payers are numerous and poor. 'The risk varies as much as the trouble but if you want a mean I should name 10 per cent. You will remember once more that this will be found wholly inapplicable in many cases'. Edward Ryan and Charles Babbage are coming to stay from Thursday till Saturday - would WW like to join them?.
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11 Dec 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has sent WW some of the tables they use: 'If you are thinking of collecting your own rent-charges you may find the plan set on foot by some of the Archdeacons and others useful. They furnish Willick of the University Insurance Office with a summary of the apportionment and for a few shillings he makes them out annually a calculation of the sum each payer should contribute according to the altered averages of each year. This enables them to employ collectors who would not be able to make the calculations without great labor or if they collect themselves saves them labor'. Although Willick 'says he does not get paid for his labor which seems likely but they think it brings connection to their office - he has 4 or 500 customers you will find his terms on the inside of the cover of his tables'. RJ never knew how much it suited him living at Haileybury untill the prospect of it vanishing assumed such a possibility. RJ expects the Government to take the right tone with regard to the Welsh questions. .
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14 Dec 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is going to stay with the Herschels in Kent: 'I have had too much excitement of one kind and another lately and the quest of Hawkhurst [the village in Kent where the Herschels house is located] will just suit me'. Melville has been appointed the new Principal of Haleybury College.
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21 Dec 1843

Richard Jones to William Whewell. A friend of William Empson's, John Haviland's and to a certain extent RJ's, Mr Banfield, 'is very ambitious to deliver a course of lectures on some points of political economy at Cambridge - and has asked me to help him to get leave'. Banfield 'is a respectable man[,] an acute man and a man who thinks for himself - he is familiar with German writers and German statistics and has much to say which is new in England and which may prove very interesting and permission to give a course of lectures might I think safely and perhaps profitably be given him'. RJ is 'beginning to be worried with parliamentary work and what a parliament it is to govern 120 millions of people - but it is more likely to get worse than better so we may as well cherish it'.
1 doc.

10 Mar 1844

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has only just 'got your pages yesterday as I was starting for this place where I cannot read them attentively' ['On the Fundamental Antithesis of Philosophy', Trans. of the Cambridge Phil. Soc., 1844]. Charlotte Jones is here ill. From what RJ has seen of WW's work he thinks 'the discussion is (at least the greater part of it) rapidly resolving itself into one of phraseology - fundamental belief - or laws of of the activity of the intellect no one objects to. The unlucky word necessary coming after these is the stumbling block necessary [']these beng admitted['] is what we want a phrase to express and to ordinary readers the naked word conveys a further indefinite necessity which staggers them'. The 'ideas suggested by fundamental laws of belief which are at the bottom of and must sustain the various sciences you justly treat as what it must be useful and deeply interesting to study and you do yourself no more than justice in claiming to have made studies here but you will get scant justice on this point from men who are choaking with the bitter necessay you are making them swallow against their will and habits'. They all had a good time at the Herschels - John Herschel is looking better than he has for at least 2 or 3 years.
1 doc.

25 Apr 1844

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The note accompanying this letter was written while RJ was in Brighton [see RJ to WW, 25 April 1844]: 'Ld. Jeffery [Francis Jeffery] is here and likes such subjects [presumably WW's 'On the Fundamental Antithesis of Philosophy', Trans. of the Cambridge Phil. Soc., 1844] - Bethune [John Drinkwater Bethune] and Ellis [Thomas F. Ellis] your old foes will read and object. Penrose [Charles T. Penrose] understands the points and beyond these I hardly know anyone who will try to understand them'. RJ gives his views: 'You and others speak of our ideas of space[,] time and number as of the same class and order. I demur as to number - putting time out of the question for the present our ideas of space are spontaneous and simultaneous with our conviction of a world without us - we can trace no process by which the mind works to or arives at the idea. But in the case of number the idea does not appear to me to come spontaneously we work to it - we perceive individual things - unlike - we can abstract from the perceptions thus get all but individuality - by this power and effort of the mind we get at abstract and equal units and of such can predicate many things which are true to us because they spring necessarily from our own conventional abstraction. For in abstracting the mind forms a sort of convention with itself to use a strange phrase for want of a better and all things inconsistent with that convention must be untrue and all things consistent with it true much in the same manner as we get at logical truths in arguing with others by means of conventional definitions'. RJ thinks therefore that 'we get at our idea of number in a different manner from that in which we aquire instinctively the idea of space - animals have the last clearly - I doubt their having that of abstract number which it is a sort of perogative of the human intellect to create for itself. In treating widely of the fundamental laws of human belief the logical force and necessity if we must have the phrase derived from the process of these internal abstractions or conventions which the mind makes to assist its otherwise imperfect process of keeping individual units in view appear to me and always have appeared to constitute a force and necessity very different from the force and necessity which impress on us a belief in the existence of space and if I was writing a book on logic I could shew I think that the distinction and the whole view of abstractions is of primary importance not only in cases where number is concerned but in very many others - but I am not going to write a book. I by no means regret the time I have spent in logical and metaphysical speculation but I have other vocations and I have done with them and so vent upon you what might otherwise have profited the world - I am afraid you will not think that they profit you'. Does WW 'think the house of commons can go any further in stullifying themselves only think of Ben Disraeli turning shewman to the Punchinellos and making the mob laugh at them'.
1 doc.

28 Apr 1844

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Lord Francis Jeffery is expecting a copy of WW's paper ['On the Fundamental Antithesis of Philosophy', Trans. of the Cambridge Phil. Soc., 1844] - 'you had better send one'. Charles Babbage would also ike one Edward Ryan says. 'Ld. J. has been reading my copy and scribbling on it but he has been so seriously ill with the influenza that I have not had any talk with him about it '. John S. Mill 'has been publishing a paper to prove that apriori reasoning is not only good in Pol. Eco. but the only reasoning applicable to it. God help him and those this belief leads to trust in him[,] his Papa and his school'. Charlotte Jones is still an invalid and RJ is worried that her symptoms are precisely those which preceded the fatal illness of her sister.
1 doc.

10 May 1844

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ thanks WW for his book ['The Elements of Morality, Including Polity', 2 vols., 1845]. RJ has not had much time to look at it: 'Everyone seems much struck with the stile - the half syllabus tone of it which might have been expected to hurt it has it seems the common opinion been a very felicitous hit'. WW has 'avoided a good deal of hostility by giving it a character of didactic ethics and eschewing metaphysical views as far as you could. This will ensure you a great deal of acquiescence and on most points sympathy as far I can see or hear'. However, there are some points 'which appear to others to turn on expediency which you however demand a control over as within the scope of duties and as these involve most of the questions of which bear on topics at this moment the subjects of dispute you must not expect a general acquiescence on them'. .
1 doc.

20 May 1844

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is feeling weak after his inflamation of the chest. RJ 'can conceive that you may see many objections to the threatened cycles of the philosophers but you have protested stoutly[,] openly and as much as is likely to do good [probably refering to WW's 'Of a Liberal Education in General, and with Particular Reference to the Leading Studies of the University of Cambridge', 1845] and I see no use and some evil likely to arise from your opposing the population of the university headed by some of your own friends'. RJ hopes WW does 'not mean to do anything more than laugh at them about it for the future'.
1 doc.

02 Oct 1845

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is well as can be expected after his illness [see RJ to WW, 2 October 1844]. He thinks a 'good selection of Scandinavian details and a good view of the early interior history of the neighbouring Slavonic nations are much wanted to throw light on the institutions of Europe up to 900 but it would torture the labor of a life to get at the languages and the matter so as to put it in any useful form and who will give it us? The exclusive attachment to physical science which is a characteristic of England just now will I think deter any Englishman fit for such tasks from attempting them and we shall have perhaps for another century societies and associations collecting specimens of birds[,] beasts and stones and magnifying and strengthening the chances of pursuits harmless always - often useful but which I rgret to see forming the exclusive characteristics of the national intelect. The monster association is only a large vent for the peoples passion when said vent dies away some other will break out - and so much for a groan for the public - I need not say I can escape together as much Scandinavian love as I want myself but if Mr Grundtvig [Nicolai F. S. Grundtvig] has sent over anything not too formidable I will get it and read it . Go on writing metaphysics and morals the very attempt is patriotic just now'. .
1 doc.

31 Oct 1844

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ does not think they will be able to spend Christmas with WW - 'My wife is to join her family and I fear I must go to Brighton to'. RJ thinks Haileybury College will always be plagued by internal squabbles - 'I am so wearied of it that I am tempted of ceasing to reside there'. Haileybury has a 'foolish constitution' which 'an angel could hardly steer smoothly and safely'. RJ thanks WW for offering him help concerning Scandinavia: 'It is their laws and government I am curious about and only those but I will make myself acquainted with the ethnographical question'.
1 doc.

26 Nov 1844

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has just got a letter from John Herschel 'begging me to come to him at once and I am hurtling to change all arrangements and to be off in 1/2 an hour. I guess it is about South [James South] whom he allows to agitate him and I hope to calm him'. RJ gives some type errors he has spotted in the work WW has sent him [probably 'The Elements of Morality, Including Polity', 2 vols., 1845] . RJ agrees 'with almost all your poor law practical views - You know I do not agree with you in thinking the state a moral agent unless very careful distinctions are drawn between our sense of moral obligations as members of a state and as individuals and it would be useless to embark in that controversy'. RJ can 'see nothing to find fault with except perhaps that you speak too confidently about the feudal element derived from the manners of the tribes - much of the feudal coloring has been thrown back I suspect by later writers'.
1 doc.

1 Mar 1845

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ hopes WW got his sheets back [see RJ to WW, 1 March 1845]: 'I find no fault with any of your practical views about poor laws - it is your theory of moral duties as obligatory on states in the same manner as on individuals that I can only take with considerable modifications'. RJ left John Herschel a great deal calmer - 'but no one unaquainted with his peculiar temperament' could imagine how much James South agitates him. Herschel 'had not been able even to look over his fathers papers quietly - we went through them and the result was compleatly satisfactory. The discovery by the 40 feet of the 7th satellite in particular is narrated in the original observation book and all the steps from doubt to certainty to truimph committed to paper in a way which was exceedingly interesting even to me and I hope Herschel will some day or other publish them certainly not however to carry out a battle with such a trumpery opponent as South. The letter to the Times was gone before I arrived'. .
1 doc.

15 Mar 1845

Richard Jones to William Whewell. WW did not send RJ his first sheet 'so that I am a good deal in the dark as to what you mean to do with your positive law . In the mean time I find some phrases which had rather startled me do not startle the barristers to whom I repeated them and of course I was wrong'. RJ expects to send WW the first sheet of his lectures next month. .
1 doc.

08 Apr 1845

100

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will come up on Thursday provided Smith or one of WW's men are nominated. .
1 doc.

1 May 1845

101

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ wants to send WW some of his proofs - 'I expect to get 40 or 50 pages set up this week' [printing his lectures - see RJ to WW, 8 April 1845]. WW 'will see that although carefully avoiding controversy yet I am dwelling on elementary principles[.] I might state much more shortly if i had no secret reference to popular errors'. RJ is 'printing now however not for the world but fr a text book for the students only a kind of clean M.S.S. therefore and shall be able to take advantage when I do publish of any hints you may give me'. RJ is 'anxious about this same book of mine - yet I have a clear conviction that it will contain much truth fairly and legitimately got at and worked out and feel some confidence that it will make the next generation wiser if it does not this - I shall publish as soon as the production and distribution of wealth are compleated - as the distribution will include population and a digression on the incidence of taxes laid on articles consumed by the laborer which digression will be a deduction from the population part, why production and distribution will include 3 fourths of the whole work'. RJ will send WW 3 proof sheets next week.
1 doc.

17 Jul 1845

102

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ sends WW the sheets to his lectures [see RJ to WW, 17 july 1845].
1 doc.

30 Jul 1845

103

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Thanks WW for his two letters - 'your analysis was excellent and made me pleased both with it and myself' [RJ's lectures]. RJ accepts WW's term of 'mechanical power. He has nothing but good to say about the Wiesbaden waters and expects to be home mid-September. RJ gives his observations of the local architecture, wines and history. There is a religious feud that has arisen and which 'is agitating the whole people from the Rhine to Poland. The new sect calling themselves Catholic and abusing the Pope is received with open arms by the Protestants who wish to give them the use of their churches. The government forbid - the people rage and riot and some lives have been lost at Leipsic - a fiercer struggle is expected. Will Austria interfere? If she does what is to follow in Germany and without. Will she not? The Catholics must give way and already the other party talk of getting rid of the Saxon Royal family - they have frightened the king of Priussia into neutrality'. WW 'may hear any day of a civil war of protestant Germany against Catholic Princes and their own too if they try and thwart them'. .
1 doc.

25 Aug 1845

104

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has been seized with one of his 'fits of sinful non-writing'. On behalf of two different people RJ has been asked to write to WW requesting favours for their respective sons. Robert Peel's speech last night has I think quenched his reputation as a statesman for ever - on looking attentively at the speech you will see that two very distinct objects pressed on him last autumn which he has fused violently...The first the state of Ireland - which required efficient - prompt nay instant measures. He does not take them even when his submissive cabinet came back - though he holds out now any delay in opening the Irish ports to Rice[,] Maize and Oats as almost a crime'. This emergency 'forces on him a conviction that a general review of our commercial and fiscal system, more especially of the corn laws is wise - if not essential - granted - this surely is an operation which both from its nature and from the expectations and temper of his own party required deliberation temper full investigation tact. But he who has neglected the emergency seems to have done so only that he might preserve it whole to use as an argument for making the great change of commercial policy abrupt[,] harsh and not merely distasteful but so odious and apparently so unfair and in the eyes of his surprised friends that all the advantages[,] preparation and persuasion might have given him in the great undertaking are gone. The argument that because there is a temporary dearth of potatoes in Ireland there must be an instant permanent and entire change in the system of England as to wheat for instance is absurd. He might as well attempt to feed the Irish on turtle soup as on wheat'. RJ thinks 'it just possible that with rational management he might have conciliated and kept together the greater part of his party and attained all it was wise to attempt at once. For till now no one ever thought it possible to change in a day a system complicated by colonial maritime and fiscal regulation for really free trade. In fact he has not fairly interpreted it and for that I do not blame him. He has attempted a larger step than he shewed in his circumstances I am well convinced'. The whole public horizon looks gloomy. The House of Lords 'will either throw the bill out or change it in committee - there must come a dissolution which all say will bring in parties too nearly balanced for either of them to conduct the government - and no one pretends to see what next'. However RJ thinks the measures themselves were in the right direction: 'I heartily wish I saw any chance of their gradual and wholesome progress - I see none. If after the comng struggle they pass in their present shape the unusual demand neated by the railway expenditure which more than equals our late war expenditure at home, may ward off a share of evil for a time and to the adjustments which take place during that time we must look for our best chance of escaping with institutions and property - unsmashed - It is well to have this ray and hope'.
1 doc.

17 Feb 1846

105

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ finds 'the gentle public much struck with your answer to Lyell [Charles Lyell] as perfectly efficient'['Of a Liberal Education in General, and with Particular Reference to the Leading Studies of the University of Cambridge', 1845]. RJ thinks WW's 'general principles too as far as I hear meet with great ascent - different opinions as to many of the details of course you are prepared for'. RJ feels great pleasure at WW's 'effort to purify and amend the mathematical training of the place. I have long been convinced that as a matter of training exclusive habits of symbolical reasoning are not merely useless but deleterious and I see very often instances of their bad effects on men of very acute minds'. WW has not converted RJ into liking oral examinations although most of the men at Haileybury to some extent side with WW - 'but I once passed a morning in the schools at Oxford and came away with a profound conviction of the intense injustice of using oral trials for the purposes of assigning relative rank for which men have toiled for years and I do not think that conviction will leave me on this side [of] the grave'. WW's book will probably do good at Cambridge - but only slowly. RJ gives an outline of his current state of health.
1 doc.

16 Nov 1845

106

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ returns WW's proof ['Of a Liberal Education in General, and with Particular Reference to the Leading Studies of the University of Cambridge', 1845]: 'Certainly there is nothing in it that Lyell [Charles Lyell] can have the slightest right to complain of. There is one point on which I think you might have dilated and reproved a little more, with advantage. I mean his quietly taking it for granted that the system which best suits the best pupils is best, or fit for all - you have hit the point clearly enough for your best readers but have not kept it long enough in view for the mass. It deserves exposure and compleat exposure because it is at the bottom of half the nonsense talked and believed about education in general and Scotch and English education in particular and I know of old that no head is more mystified by the error than Lyell's'. WW should also speak more about 'the extent and objects of the obedience and deference to authority which you speak of in 120'. RJ describes the state of his health. .
1 doc.

20 Dec 1844

107

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ sees no reason why WW should not publish his lectures ['Lectures on Systematic Morality', 1846]: 'They will be extremely useful to your class and out of them and your Elements ['The Elements of Morality, Including Polity', 2 vols., 1845] you may at some future day make up a finished work - an elaborated system by which you may be content to abide'. RJ is to dine at Henry Brougham's today. 'I am to be examined by the Lords Committee on tuesday'. .
1 doc.

14 Mar 1846

108

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ leant this morning that both his Parliamentary Bills are safe. If he had not been so close at least one of them would have failed - 'but even that is but a triffling consalation for being tied up like a dog with such a small occasion. Prime reform in the manner of conducting business in the legislature and in the distribution of work among the public offices must be the work of the next generation - and a radical one too. RJ and Charlotte Jones are off to Folkestone and possibly France tomorrow. RJ's 'Law has been an amusement and consolation to me - there is no sort of obscurity hanging over either the sources of the common law or the times[,] occasions and men concerned in welding the mass - so much I am sure of and hardly know how to believe it should not have been made plain before'.
1 doc.

20 Aug 1846

109

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ and Charlotte Jones have returned from a very enjoyable trip to Paris. RJ still hopes to come up to Cambridge this Friday. He has picked up some German and French books which will take him through 'the growth of the largest part of our common law'.
1 doc.

10 Sep 1849

110

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Due to RJ's state of health it would 'be prudent to change my day till saturday' [to come up to Cambridge]. RJ has heard that George Peacock is seriously ill at Wisbaden in Germany. 'Louis Philippe has surely dug the grave of his dynasty it has become our interest and that of Europe to prevent the union of France and Spain by driving the Orleans people from one or both throwes and with a little patience we may have our choice of which he shall forfeit if he keeps either. They have no root at all in France and less than none in Spain - it is unpleasant to part with the dream of there being one wise old man among the principalities and powers of this world'.
1 doc.

10 Oct 1846

111

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The fine clear weather has improved RJ's health. Provides a testimonial for Mr Pickering who wants to apply for the post of auditor of the Uppingham and Oneham school estates. RJ has 'no news except I am sorry to say that real famine is pressing on parts of Ireland and the West Highlands'.
1 doc.

30 Nov 1846

112

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has only just got through the examination papers and must then go to Brighton. He has come across 'some curious philological questions in my teutonic researches which will amuse you'. RJ hears and believes 'that the government are in difficulties about finance and are meditating fresh taxes on raising the income tax to shilling'. This, he thinks, will be a problem after the general election.
1 doc.

09 Dec 1846

113

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The University election is a worry but after full consideration RJ will vote for Charles Shaw-Lefevre and Henry Goulburn. The latter should receive Lefevre's second votes. RJ thinks the 'Peelites will never form an administration of their own and will only come in as pendants to the whigs who by force of circumstances have become the substantially conservative party'. Neither does he 'expect ever to see Goulburn in again at all. We have to choose apparently between him and Law [Charles Ewan Law] - now I should see with Tenor Stanley[,] Lord George[,] and Ben Disraeli strong enough to govern the country for a year and against Law who I consider one of them I should be ready to help a much worse man than Goulburn - there is much I admit to like in Stanley's charcter' but he has no 'practical talent for governing'. Everything at the moment 'points towards a whig administration'. Did WW read an article on 'the primitive political economy of England in the last edinburgh - I wrote it for Empson [William Empson - editor of the edinburgh review] who was begging for want of matter'.
1 doc.

1 Mar 1847

114

Richard Jones to William Whewell. WW's 'doings at Cambridge seem to have gone off well in spite of your rebellion against the 4th estate'. Did WW have anything to do with putting Charles Ewan Law in? RJ has 'nothing to say for Peel's conduct and less for that of those who first testified against it and then without any real change of circumstances adopted it ' and subsequently retained office. They are 'just now to help the whigs the only practically conservative body and on public grounds I really feel it a duty to give said whigs all the aid I can to press their ground and so as against Law and Fielding I vote unhesitatingly for Goulburn. Johnny has been throwing too much of his equipment overboard in clearing for electioneering action and has raised a strong feeling about his want of rigor - so much for overdone craft - he is in part as resolute as ever'. There are signs that 'a section of his party falling from him alsmost all are grumbling and a favourite speculation is that the government will fall to pieces - that Peel will yield to necessity and come in calling the more liberal and some of the venal whigs round him and exclude the whig aristocracy. This I think I told you the Duke said would happen as soon as Peel went out - and his liberal friends, that are to be, are quite impatient for the event - I doubt his getting a majority by any such move - but if he lives he is the very man to try it. His clique say he has not the least intention of handing them over to the whigs and staying out himself which is what I expected and hoped would happen and they wait in patient confidence in their administrative merits and his - good people'. As usual RJ has two bills before parliament which he thinks are now safe. .
1 doc.

15 Mar 1847

115

Richard Jones to William Whewell. WW guessed right about Parliament: 'I have a report on hand and am ordered to get a bill drawn (not about tithes but copy holds) which occupy me much - I shall be glad to launch this new piece of law for I think it will be a useful and creditable thing done - but I am getting weary of my bureau life and lament somtimes over my lazy young days'. If RJ can get a day or two he will visit Cambridge before WW leaves for Lowestoft. .
1 doc.

25 Nov 1847

116

Richard Jones to William Whewell. For health reasons RJ is going to Bournemouth for Easter. He found the new Archbishop intelligent and agreeable. A friend of RJ's has informd Lord John Russell that he wishes to retire - RJ hopes to get a pension for his services. The Government is prepared for pickpockets and Chartists - 'more than 20,000 constables are sworn in[,] have been organised and are quite ready - they consist of all ranks from Dukes sons to the humblest tradesmen. The police report, that there will not be more than 30,000 of the mob and there is nearly a volunteer constable apiece for them besides the Blue Bottles and red-coats but as it is said a little gun-poweder is just what the french and Irish emissaries want I hope there will be no firing'.
1 doc.

20 Mar 1848

117

Richard Jones to William Whewell. If WW sends RJ the necessary papers he 'will see about the great western board - I have some hopes of getting the interest - I will also see that the money is at once reinvested'. Dealing with 'these trust matters there is great need of technical regularity. I shall reinvest the monies in the joint names of the Trustees. They should then give you a power of atty [attorney] to receieve the Dividends'. However this 'should have been done with the 15000l which as far as I can see Mr J. Marshall has dealt with in his own name alone - not in that of the Trustees and if he were to die tomorrow it might be difficult to pick your 15000l out of his assets - Good merchants are not always good men of business in such matters'. Where is WW's marriage settlement?.
1 doc.

20 Oct 1848

118

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ got the Bond for 1000l and transfers. He should have seen Saunders, the Secretary, yesterday but was delayed through work. He has tried and failed to see him since. No decision has been made concerning the Principal - 'I fear there is no strictly legal claim for it [the interest] - still it will be very shabby to with hold it - unless indeed they have been keeping the money unused to meet the Board if called on - not a very likely thing - Saunders is to write to me in a day or two and say if he will pay it'. RJ agrees with WW that the Principal should be reinvested in No.1 Eastern Counties guaranteed shares - 'but suppose there are none in the market - shall I wait till there are or invest in some other of the guaranteed shares of the Eastern or North Eastern companies'. The markets are rising so RJ will press Saunders. .
1 doc.

1 Nov 1848

119

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has had an order from Saunders to their Banker - Glyn - to pay off the Board and the interest [see RJ to WW, 1 November 1848] . However Glyns hav a rule which they have made themselves that where a Bond is asigned to more than one person they need receipts from them all - 'This is so far vexatious that the bond (on which you will find a receipt written) must travel about I suppose to the 3 other trustees'. Will WW send it on to the Marshalls and for them to return it to RJ. .
1 doc.

05 Dec 1848

120

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ sent WW the Bond and would like to know if WW got it [see RJ to WW, 5 December 1848]. It is as well that they did not take fresh Great Western Bonds since it is not looking a good investment. RJ has a letter from the Archbishop 'telling me a commission of 5 is to issue to enquire into the mode of managing church property with a view of rendering it most conducive to the interests of the church and the people. RJ is to pick two of the commission and would like to appoint WW. .
1 doc.

7 Dec 1848

121

Richard Jones to William Whewell. As soon as he can RJ will go into the City and ensure all is correct concerning WW's interest [see RJ to WW, 5 December 1848]. WW must be joking about the lectures on modern history - RJ has not got any spare time: 'Besides let me tell you if you do not already know that there are two candidates for the professorship one or the other of whom are perfectly secure if the whigs continue in'. One of them 'Stephen [James Stephen] late of the colonial office - he is wretched for want of occupation' [Stephen was appointed Regius Professor of Modern History at Cambridge, 1849-1859]. However William Smythe the current Professor of Modern History 'must not be disturbed on his death bed even for Alma Maters convenience'. RJ sends WW some suggestions for the commission [see RJ to WW, 7 December 1848]: 'with slight modifications there would be little dififculty in getting the commission to adopt them, but there are weaknesses and suspicions and I fear political schemes out of doors which constitute obstacle and difficulties. Before I tell you however of any objections or any answers to them do let me have your own impressions it is the only way I can learn what alarms and displeases third persons. They were printed by the order of the commission. The Archbishop approves of all with the exception of one point and has by letter and personally praised and thanked me very kindly and heartily. In about 40 years there would be a disposeable surplus of more than 100,000 pounds and it would begin at once to shew itself'. .
1 doc.

13 Mar 1849

122

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has been unable to get to the City before today: 'There will be no dividend due till the 25th of March. One was paid in Nov not long before the purchase of the shares'. RJ advises on where to deposit the papers and receive the dividends.
1 doc.

22 Mar 1849

123

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The Tithe Commission is proceeding well - 'the follies of the Parliamentary Committee men hurt none but themsleves - the majority of them seem to have found this out and one or two of the apparent leaders have been to me privately to disavow their supposed claims and plans and have talked so reasonably that if they can only manage one or two foolish men and perhaps as many deliberate knaves we may I think probably agree and legislate this session - their sticking point was the periodical revaluations we insisted on and some of the more prominent and violent are disposed to yield this (seeing we not to be moved) they are disposed too to drop any combined opposition to the resumption of tithe -rent charges - (1/3 of the whole revenue) and there is a vista opening on a fair prospect enough'. The whole process has been delayed as the Commission has to listen to the witnesses the Committee have sent who 'have been cutting their throats and I think they know it'. RJ reckons that the new system will eventually raise a revenue of more than a million pounds from one that currently only produces 400,000 pounds. An accountant called Grey is the Committee's advisor - 'he is a professed agitator obviously for selfish purposes and will not keep much hold on them'. RJ means 'to help the avenging deity a little if I have ever time but much more do I hope to give them some more useful truths to mumble over. God bless you'.
1 doc.

25 Apr 1849

124

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Will WW look at the 'Evidence and Plans' [presumably of the Tithe Commission] he sends him: 'they have not altered the case as it first presented itself to us and we shall I think get at a useful report by and bye'. RJ also sends WW a cicular [no longer attached] he has sent to the Bishops and Deans: 'I knew beforehand that most of them have records as to changes I mention'. If WW has records of similar changes he would like to have them: 'I find they were formally grounded in some cases on the changes which had taken place in the current rates of the interest of money'. RJ has had a sharp attack of cold and fever. .
1 doc.

1 Jun 1849

125

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ returned to work and found a letter from Mr J.G. Marshall dated August 9th proposing as RJ wished that 'all your securities should be lodged together either at his bankers or mine (his by all means) and that the Trustees should execute a general power to you to receive all dividends etc'. Marshall is wrong in supposing that 1000 pounnds from the Great Western is in his hands - 'It is at my Bankers that is the guaranteed shares bought but in the name of the Trustees not mine'. RJ will arrange for it to be put in one Power of Attorney. WW's securities of 1500 pounds should also be included in the Power of Attorney.
1 doc.

17 Sep 1849

126

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ did 'Jeremie [James Amiraux Jeremie] an unconscious injustice which in common fairness I should rectify - you asked me what he had done to exhibit himself as a divine and I really had no proofs to produce [.] It seems however that in some able articles in the Encyclopedia Metropolitana he has written a history of the 2nd, 3rd and 4th centuries of the church'. All his articles have been praised by high authorities [Jeremie is a candidate for the Regius professorship at Cambridge]. RJ sends WW his examination papers in history [no longer attached]. .
1 doc.

06 Dec 1849

127

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is sorry he has neglected WW's private business but has been ill with diarrhea. Instructions to establish WW's Power of Attorney [see RJ to WW, 17 September 1849]. Haileybury will be looking for a new scholar to replace Jeremie [James Amiraux Jeremie] in case he is elected [Regious Professor of Divinity at Cambridge]. Can WW suggest someone? .
1 doc.

23 Dec 1849

128

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Jeremie [James Amiraux Jeremie] and Heavyside [James W. L. Heaviside] lecture on Tuesday. RJ thinks it advisable that Jeremie gets WW's letter as soon as possible in order to rearrange the lectures to accomodate the change [Jeremie's election as Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge]. .
1 doc.

25 Jan 1850

129

Richard Jones to William Whewell. When RJ returns from Switzerland he will deal with WW's private business [see RJ to WW, 17 September 1849]. I must be back in September. The Tithe Commission is to meet on the 22nd October for a weeks work and then again in November to draw up the report.
1 doc.

1 Aug 1849

130

Richard Jones to William Whewell. If Blakesley [Joseph W. Blakesley] has no chance RJ hopes F.W. Clark will succeed [presumably for James Amiraux Jeremie's replacement at Haileybury] . However there are a number of formidable Oxonians in the field with a good chance. RJ has 'no doubt Jeremie will get through all his public duties well[,] as for private feuds he may get into some but they will at Cambridge among no one but himself - he means as to these to mean to try to be a good boy I am sure' [Jeremie has been appointed as the new Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge]. The Government has seen an abstract of the Tithe Commission Report before it was made and have pledged themeselves to it.
1 doc.

9 Jan 1850

131

Richard Jones to William Whewell. 'Poor Banister has sent me the book that comes with this', and wants RJ to forward it to WW. He expects Murchison [Roderick Impey Murchison] will say something about his plan at the present meeting. RJ would be grateful if WW can find anything to encourage or help Banister. .
1 doc.

29 Jan 1850

132

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is sorry he missed WW in London. He encloses a proposed draft to the Archbishop which he would like WW to look over. RJ has been assured on good authority that 2/3 of both Houses of Parliament would sign before it is made public: 'I have to feel my way in some half a dozen quarters and if it is probable that it will be weightily and numerously signed then shew it to the Archbishop who should have a veto'. The 'expressed determination of alarge body of clergy and laity to insist on moderation may carry us through safe - I see nothing else which can do it'. John Herschel is with him and insists on making a copy for RJ of the Address. RJ has been ill with influenza.
1 doc.

11 Jan 1850

133

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Thanks WW for his quick response to RJ's darft [see RJ to WW, 11 January 1850]. It has been warmly approved by the Archbishop. RJ has sent a copy to Lord John Russell, James Graham and a few others: 'I shall get at the leading Radicals next week and must somehow or other secure the Duke of Wellington and get at Oxford'. RJ knows nothing of Oxford - does WW know anyone there who can help him? RJ has altered the pssage about the Tribunal to satisfy the Lawyers. The 'Bishop of London's plan of passing by the Queen in Council altogether was a monstrous , perhaps unconscious, outrage on her supremacy - I take it it will not be difficult so to remodel the judicial committee in eccesiastical cases as to satisfy reasonable people without ousting the Queen'. If RJ gets favourable answers from the leaders he will turn the draft into an original Address.
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14 Jan 1850

134

Richard Jones to William Whewell. If James Amiraux Jeremie 'should be elected [Regius Professor of Divinity at Cambridge] he will keep himself out of controversy if he can and will conduct it temperately and ably if he is driven to it'. Jeremie's 'general acuteness and ability are undoubtedly great and would stand him in sted but again you have seen something of him in this capacity and would rather you judged for yourself'. .
1 doc.

07 Jan 1850

135

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ sends WW a copy of the Tithe Commission report. He thinks Ministers have privately adopted it and will think of passing an Act this session: 'I hope not for I see serious inconvenience which I shall represent strongly - but!' RJ has found time to make the aquaintance of WW's young friend Watson.
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12 Feb 1850

136

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ sends WW a copy of a letter - marked private - he has received from the Bishop of Lincoln: 'His proposed alteration [presumably to the Tithe Commission Report] might be good if we did not look forward to a preponderance of lay signitures but the laymen object to the slightest mixture of polemics and we should be challenged at once to fight on the ground he lays down and to produce and discuss authorities which would be all well for our blue coated friends'.
1 doc.

01 Apr 1850

137

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has received a letter from Lord John Russell referring to a letter he sent on Saturday with his opinion (RJ did not receive the letter). RJ has asked Russell's office to see if he can get it. He has received a letter from James Graham 'warmly joining in the views of the subject propounded in the draft but arguing against the address and attempting to shew that the Archbishop is invincible if quite quiet and magnifying hs defensive strength - he promises aid in parliament and says he shall be more useful there if he is not committed to a foregone conclusion - I differ with him much - because, (I say it with real sorrow,) I do not think the Archbishop quite as strong in his actual position as he (Graham) believes - so too you will observe thinks the Bishop of Lincoln'. RJ deems it advisable to suspend the actual signing till perhaps parliament reassembles. 'In the mean time it is surely quite clear that a mere low-church address by itself would do harm. Pray exert any influence you have with Carus [William Carus] to keep them back for a time - a forward move in line may still be recognized as desirable when the mmbers of the legislature hve met and talked together'.
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02 Apr 1850

138

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Adhesion to the views of the Address RJ wrote have come from all quarters - 'leading politicians of all sorts pretty strong opinions as to the impolicy of moving at all - I acquiesced without being quite convinced and sent word to the Archbishop who acquiesced too and expressed himself fully satisfied'. Lord John Russell told RJ that he wanted him to communicate 'with Montague Villiers from whom I got 2 duplicate letters expressing an anxious wish that his (that is the low church) party in london should be enabled to join in what I suppose I must call my address - I ran down to Brighton to see him and found we could easily concoct an address which would remove their scruples and satisfy I thought my friends beginning with yourself'. RJ 'found him frank[,] gentlemanly[,] able and never transacted business more satisfactorily with anyone. I will not answer for it however that no small attempts will be made. on the whole it appears to me tht the low church and all the high church short of the tractarians are not unlikely to stand together in united brotherly strength and feelings if the tractarians will fight and so out of evil may come much present and future good'. RJ thinks 'the spirit of the low church very good and I atribute this very much to Carus [William Carus] - I hardly know why'.
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11 Apr 1850

139

Richard Jones to William Whewell. WW will see an article in the Times about the Address: 'I mention it only to say I had nothing to do with it nor do I know anything of its parentage except that it must be one of the parties represented by Mont. Villiers - I see no great harm in it except that it seems to postpone the universities to the London clergy which is not my taste. I have read Hare's [Julius Hare] letter and charge - they are excellent and practical. I think they must do good and I really feel obliged to him for them'. RJ is not so happy with Hare's 'tinkering of the address'. On the whole RJ sees 'a prospect of union which must give great strength and have really left of being scared about tractarian wars'. RJ is very concerned about Charlotte Jones's health. The new Professor at Haileybury has been installed: 'I see nothing to dislike in him but he is not quite so striking a person as I was led to expect...his name is Buckley'.
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17 Apr 1850

140

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ sends 'back the paper - I have a copy - I have no doubt it came to Cambridge from Brighton but it originated in London and the author is some eminent barrister I do not know who but I have little doubt he wrote the article in the Times I spoke of - there is sense in him but he is rather bear-pawed' [see RJ to WW, 17 April 1850]. RJ wrote a 'pretty strong though friendly remonstrance to the Bishop of London against his attempt to oust the Crown in council altogether of its jurisdiction by his Bill and I have a frank and kind letter of thanks to-day. He clearly had never taken that view of his project'. RJ does not know when he will next see WW: 'I am just now much plagued about a bill to be founded on our epis. and cap. revenues report'. .
1 doc.

23 Apr 1850

141

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will write about WW's political economy in another letter ['Mathematical Exposition of some Doctrines of Political Economy: Second Memoir', Trans. of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, 1850]. Details concerning WW's private business: 'I should certainly have been better pleased to have seen some protion of your property taken out of Railway securities'. However the Marshalls wanted a reinvestment and RJ did not think it right to oppose their decision: 'But I think it right to consult Fuller before it is irrevocably done - that is I want to know if the powers in your settlement clearly authorise it. I have little doubt they do and shall not interupt the transaction on this account'. RJ 'was to have been settling prospective legislation during the recess early in but all the plans proposed about copyholds sweeping up tithes etc may be upset by coming men and events'. RJ has heard that there is perhaps some serious check about the University Commission, however, 'I think they must proceed with it in some way or other.
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13 Jul 1850

142

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Further to WW's private business [see RJ to WW, 13 July 1850]: 'The attorney world including your friend Fuller say and I agree with them that large manufactures etc. are out of their trade[,] usually bad men of business and we must obviously put more stress upon the Marshalls[.] I think if you give Fuller positive instructions to get the power of attorney prepared he will do so or state distinctly and in detail to us the obstacles - we can then judge what is necessary to remove them and I will take upon myself if you wish to explain and enforce the necessary measures on the Marshalls . I wonder a little at their supineness - If you were to die tomorrow...they have already nearly secured for themselves and us the pleasures and expenses of an account in Chancery'. Perhaps RJ and WW should ask Fuller to state 'what he wants to enable him to proceed and you and I could afterward arrange how to ensure his getting it. There is no real difficulty in the way if we could move our men ever so gently'. If the Marshalls want the custody of the securities with them: 'Be it so provided only we get a list and an acknowledgement of their deposit - and then a power of attorney to you for the future receipts and a release to us as to the part would put all the affair straight and we may all live or die in peace about it'. RJ does 'not see any way to the harmless sinking of the religious storm - our staunch whig friends say the clamour is an excellent thing but that any legislative measures to pacify it would be an abomination. This puzzles me and makes me thankful that I am not responsible either for what is done or not done'.
1 doc.

1 Aug 1850

143

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ does not think WW's presence is necessary regarding his private business [see RJ to WW, 1 August 1850]: 'If you choose to authorise me to instruct Fuller I think I can answer for its being compleated soon but then I will not guarantee you against the expense of a journey of his to the north to inspect the documents. They must be inspected carefully by whoever draws the power'.
1 doc.

25 Aug 1850

144

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ gives his opinion of William Jacob's book [presumably his 'An Inquiry into the Production and Consumption of the Precious Metals', 2 vols., 1831]: 'all its figures are so thoroughly illusary that you had better not meddle with it. He begins by attempting to estimate the quantity of the precious metals in ancient days from data which are pure guesses and he carries on calculations so founded up to our own times in fact perpetuating and modifying mere dreams. But if you will state distinctly what facts you want I will see if Porter [George R. Porter] can help us. I have not thought of the subject a long time . Poor old Jacob himself has become partially imbecile but his children do not like it talked of'. RJ has been very ill. 'The Pope is making a strange hash out of his half dead privileges. But though we may laugh at his Puppet Bishops and prophecy that English society and English parties will through the public mind feel and perhaps suffer seriously'.
1 doc.

20 Sep 1850

145

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has bought William Jacob's book with him [presumably his 'An Inquiry into the Production and Consumption of the Precious Metals', 2 vols., 1831] and will write some political economy about it - 'which may or may not keep your speculations or laudable attempt to get at calculations on the subject which we much need'. Jacob's book 'is amusing[,] ingenious[,] plausible from the variety of facts he introduces but a moderately severe criticism shews at once that he has no sound foundation for the amount he assumes as that of the precious metals at different eras'. However on many other points RJ has re-read the book with pleasure and profit: 'But I assume (you have not told me exactly) that you are trying to get at the laws which determine the effect of the fluctuations in the amount of the metallic circulating medium on prices - now I doubt if the actual state of our knowledge we should be equal to more than a hypothetical determination of such questions even if we could substitute real quantities of metals for Jacob's imaginary ones. The effect of a circulating medium upon prices depends on two facts 1st its amount 2ndly on its rate of circulation. The influence of this second fact is great even when the circulating medium consists of the precious metals alone'. This 'influence becomes however (the rate of circulation) overpowering and indefinitely greater when credit as for instance bills of exchange form a large part of the circulating medium and here let me digress and remark that the late Lord Ashburton who understood such subjects better than any one I ever met checked me once for talking of bills and their circulation as including all but exclusively the circulating paper used as money and he enumerated various other securities known to merchants and used as money whose rate of circulation he said was affected by peculiar causes not to be neglected if the whole subject was to be comprehensively treated'. Nonetheless bills are adequate for RJ's present purpose: 'Let us suppose then - that bills to the amount of 100 millions are circulating and that each bill by endorsements liquidates 4 transactions or that the whole circulate goods to the amount of 400 millions. It would be vain obviously to limit the causes which determine prices in such a country solely the amount of the precious metals from time to time in use . But now suppose from difficulties in getting discount and other causes which create mistrust the bills are received in payment less freely and that each liquidates only 2 transactions instead of 4 - they would suffice then to ciculate commodities to the amount of 200 millions instead of 400 - the effect of this decrease in the efficiency of a circulaing medium must not be reidentified with any result of the fluctuations of the metallic circulation. Can we measure the effects of such panics? No. we have very imperfect knowledge of the amount of bills in circulation we have really no knowledge at all which enables us to trace the changes always more or less going on in their rate of circulation and with absence of such knowledge we can only get into error by fancying that fluctuations in the amount of the precious metals will alone explain fluctuations in prices'. If WW has not already read the supplement on 'Credit' to the Encyclopedia Metropolitana then he should - it 'contains some account of the clearing house now abolish the clearing house and all similar expedient and you would produce an effect on prices which any variations in the actual amount of the precious [metals] would go a very little way towards explaining'. 'All these expedients for substituting other things for metallic money and the average results of them are of secular growth and different nations of the world may be seen adopting them and so adding to their average effects at very different paces. The secular variations in European prices must be viewed surely in connection with this general progress'. Variations which are occasional or sudden 'in the rate of circulation of these substitues depend on local and temporary causes. Such variations are a great evil and I very much fear that our actual legislation influences the evil occasionally instead of mollifying it but I will not talk politics and I have talked enough surely to shew you that I think I have good reason for considering variations in prices secular or temporary as not corresponding with or limited by variations in the amount of the metallic currency'.
1 doc.

20 Oct 1850

146

Richard Jones to William Whewell. John Herschel is to be Master of the Mint from the 1st of December with a salary of 1500 pounds a year: 'It is really a glorious thing for many good reasons'. RJ is ill. He will write to WW 'a word or two about your buliion question shortly and however I am sure if you can you had better make x's and y's do the work of sums inasmuch s for reasons I will send you I feel confident no calculations worth a farthing exist as to the sums which poor Jacob assumes' [William Jacob, 'An Inquiry into the Production and Consumption of the Precious Metals', 2 vols., 1831]. RJ and Charlotte Jones are to spend a week at the Victoria Hotel [see RJ to WW, 20 October 1850].
1 doc.

21 Nov 1850

147

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Thanks WW for his paper on hypotheses ['On the Transformation of Hypotheses in the History of Science', Trans. of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, 1851]. An update on WW's private business. RJ has been ill. He will certainly come to Lowestoft in a week or two. 'I have very satisfactory promised of being provided for in my profession but how and where neither I nor the government can know and the uncertainty of course worries us both we strive that it should do so as little as possible and stick to some provision compatible with Haileybury which I hope providence will send us [-] all this is private'. All the Eastern Counties shares are in WW's power of attorney.
1 doc.

30 Jun 1851

148

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Lord John Russell promised RJ he would do what he could for his future. RJ's friends such as Lawrence Hodges and Edward Ryan are confident he will secure something. They have begun helping RJ without waiting for WW or the Archbishop of York to return. News concerning WW's private business - dividends from his railway investment.
1 doc.

01 Aug 1851

149

Robert K Dawson to Richard Jones. The Board of Ordnance has determined whether the piece of ground occupied by the Upper North Battery at Lowestoft shall be sold or not. They have received numerous applications for it including one from Lord Monteagle. If WW wants to try and buy it he should apply to the secretary of the Board of Ordnance [see RJ to WW, 15 August 1851]. .
1 doc.

14 Aug 1851

150

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is pleased WW has managed to buy the plot of land at Lowestoft [see Robert K Dawson to RJ, 14 August 1851 which was originally enclosed with this letter]. WW should now officailly apply to the Board of Ordanance. You should also mention that Lord Monteagle's inquiry was on your behalf.
1 doc.

15 Aug 1851

151

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has been trying to locate his letters from WW: 'I should have rather have liked to have kept your letters while I lived. Still it is but reasonable you should have them if you wish it'. RJ is not very confident about his future.
1 doc.

1 Oct 1851

152

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Instructions concerning WW's private business: 'I have received your dividends or warrants for them today and paid them into Smiths to your account with Mortlocks [-] you will still have one more step to take - the power of attorney from the Trustees to you must be lodged at the Railway station office long enough for them to register it - any one may take it - they will want it for the best part of a day'. WW 'will then give them an order to send the warrants as the dividends become due to Smith, Payne and Co.' RJ and Charlotte Jones will be staying with John Herschel at 32 Harley Street for at least a week.
1 doc.

15 Oct 1851

153

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ describes the precarious state of his health [attached is a short note from Charlotte Jones].
1 doc.

26 Oct 1851

154

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The review of Descartes WW refered to is by 'Rogers of Birmingham who wrote a review of Paschal and other metaphysical spec's [speculations] which are well thought of'. RJ gives a description of his health. He is reading James Stephen's second volume of lectures - 'all interesting and parts very valuable'. RJ is 'not of course in very good spirits - The present confusion and uncertainty are against me I fear'.
1 doc.

1 Nov 1851

155

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is pleased Charles Shaw Lefevre is with WW: 'Pray tell him Ryan [Edward Ryan] sent me his note - I feel deeply his judicious and efficient friendship and shall do precisely as he and Ryan advise'. RJ gives an account of his ill health. .
1 doc.

17 Nov 1851

156

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is at the call of Edward Ryan and Charles Shaw Lefevre, and thinks 'that today week it is just possible I may be summoned up'. RJ thinks he is slowly improving in health. RJ would 'be afraid to undertake an article on Ld. Jeffery [Frances Jeffery] I have no doubt it is in some Scotch hands'. .
1 doc.

1 Dec 1851

157

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The Doctors opened another one of RJ's tumors. He is feeling very weak. He received WW's lecture - 'we all like it here Empson [William Empson] especially I think' ['The General Bearing of the Great Exhibition of the Progress of Art and Science', 1851]. WW's 'analogy between the relations of Criticism to Literature and Science to Art strikes me as very interesting [-] you subsequently distinguish between science as the exponent of art and the mother of art now I think this distinction a pregnant one - would it be worth your while to follow it up and give a table of instances - the first vintage or if that is not a work you would like could you not get some younger hand at the task - It would tell as the subject expands'. RJ's 'own projects are just what they were. I wish I could see any thing likely to be done when parliament meets - but I am passive and in good hands. Ld. Monteagle [Thomas Spring-Rice] has shewn a very kind interest in me'.
1 doc.

20 Dec 1851

158

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will write to WW next week with details about his 'office and salary which are still undecided'. News on RJ's and Charlotte Jones's health. RJ suspects 'a Mr Leith formerly of Calcutta Bar will get poor Empson's [William Empson] chair but this is a great secret it seems'.
1 doc.

28 Dec 1851

159

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has accepted the Secretaryship to the Cathedral Commission.
1 doc.

10 Jan 1853

160

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Regarding WW's law question: 'Ker [Charles H. B. Ker] says there is an article in the supplement to the Penny Cyclopedia on criminal law reprinted by Knight in his political Dictionary which he thinks will supply what you want - it is by Lonsdale [John Lonsdale?] the secretary to the criminal law commission'. The 'new Professor is to be Mr Leith formerly of the Calcutta Bar. The Indian lawyers say he is a mere advocate and not of the very first class and has such a view of philosophical jurisprudence as such persons have'. Nevertheless he is apparently a good speaker and will make a fine lecturer. RJ misses William Empson more than ever. There was a plan to give RJ 600 pounds but has now changed to 800 - 'while this lasts we feel ourselves rich enough for comfort and happiness'. The Cathedral Commission [of which RJ is Secretary - see RJ to WW, 10 January 1852] is in motion: 'As far as the useful disposition of the property yet left them goes I think they may be successful and serviceable but a good deal more is aimed at in some quarters - I fear not very hopefully - at present however all seems agreed to collect all the information possible and so things proceed smoothly enough'. RJ has heard that the 'government mean to legislate on the University reports but I do not feel at all sure of it. I am sure however that any report from us will be premature till it is seen what they do or what you do yourselves for the education of ecclesiastics - I really dread the multiplication of local seminaries as substitutes for University training. The enquiries are agreeable - my work not likely to be oppresive'. .
1 doc.

30 Jan 1853

161

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Thanks WW for the two books he sent ['Lectures on the History of Moral Philosophy in England', 1850, and 'Of a Liberal Education in General...3. The Revised Statutes 1851-1852', 1852]: 'As to University reform I heartily wish they would mke you dictator. The multitude of cooks will spoil the broth I fear and the unreasonableness of some of their crotchets is wonderful'. RJ has not yet read Whewells work on 'the morals'. RJ's 'friends mean to try the present men - if with acknowledgements from the heads both of Church and State that I am to be provided for I still fall through [-] the weight of the stools will not help to make the tumble softer'. .
1 doc.

24 Mar 1852

162

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ will come to Cambridge next week. He sends WW a memorial about his pension [no longer attached but see RJ to WW, 24 May 1852]: 'Is it worth while to send it to the Bishop and will you send it or shall I?'.
1 doc.

22 May 1852

163

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ plans to come to Cambridge on Thursday after his lecture. Charlotte Jones 'was so affected and excited by your note that she has been really ill since and she thinks I can never tell you enough of her feeling of your brotherly conduct'. [Attached to this letter is the following which actually probably belongs to RJ to WW, 22 May 1852] Lord Derby has predictably declined RJ's claim for a pension on the ground that his office was considered temporary: 'But it lasted 15 years. It would never have been considered temporary could that have been foresee - a man the best days of whose life have been passed in continued duties has he no equitable case for being taken out of the list of mere temporary servants and his last days seen to'. .
1 doc.

24 May 1852

164

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ would 'have been glad of any intimation from the Bishop as to how he found the atmosphere but am not surprised at his silence. He would be cautious as to committing any one. It will not do of course to hurt him but if chance brings you together you may glean something'. RJ agrees entirely with WW about his printed lectures - 'but I had better get them all out on my present restricted plan before I finally stretch my compasses. I must do a good deal of the work you contemplate as I proceed with my pure political economy and I am hardly at the threshold of this - afterwards I can write some preliminary lectures and add matter at its best place - I can see already my first 4 or 5 lectures will swell to many times their present size and that I am actually now only providing bricks'. .
1 doc.

04 Jun 1852

165

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is pleased to say that WW's application to the Bishop of London on RJ's account, 'was the beginning of a move which appears likely to end in good and I enjoy the prospect the more because I feel how much of it I owe to you[.] Ld. Monteagle has been actively at work and finding a stronger feeling than I expected in part of the house of Lords[,] he has drawn up a statement (oddly enough a note from him is while I am writing put into my hands) which he now tells me has got signed by Richmond - Lansdowne - Fitzwilliam - Fortescue - Sradbroke - Harrowby - St. Germains - Brougham - Portman - Hatherton - Monteagle - and he means to try to get it signed by the Bishop of London (who is willing) and the Archbishop of York[,] the Bishop of Lichfield and the Bishop of Lincoln whom he is applying to. The getting these last signitures will occasion a little delay which is not perhaps any great mischief just now when Ld. Derby of course can think of nothing but the elections. The lay peers I am told are hearty and decided and say they will take part in any parliamentary movement if it should be necessary - of course I hope it may not - I need not speak and indeed could not do it adequately of Ld. Monteagle's kindness perseverance and efficient aid - he has done all and more than all that even you could expect or wish - and now we must wait a little longer in good hope however and with a certainty that my public life is not wholly forgotten'. Lord Derby 'will have 300 the whigs say in the new parliament. Dizzy swears many more. The opposition 356 are divided into 3 squads. I am told indeed into 4 for there is a strong anti-Johnny feeling growing up among the pure whigs - they might carry a vote of want of confidence but are not very likely to do it for they say themselves that they could not construct a lasting government. So it is thought likely Ld. D will stay in for a time. The Peelites, and some whigs and radicals, speculate on a new parliament very soon for they must get one they say which will enable somebody to govern the country and the street boys echo - don't you wish they may get it'. .
1 doc.

16 Jul 1852

166

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is anxious to know from Lord Monteagle whether his 'memorial has gone in'. Edward Ryan does not want RJ to write to Monteagle 'as he says he fully relies on his doing what he is best and does not like me to plague him'. The Cambridge Commission are all in London - George Peacock looks much better and Adam Sedgwick is blooming: 'Their report will be out in a week or 10 days at farthest[.] The evidence and report together will about equal the Oxford blue book in size - the report about 200 folio pages and that is all I know about'. No one knows what the composition of the next parliament will look like: 'The official whigs say they have 316 and Ld. derby 316 - 22 uncertainties[.] But the whigs count the Irish Brigade 100 and the Hurnite radicals (100) and Ld. D's 316 are likely to split like a raocket it is said and so the Peelites look on and expect to win at last'. RJ lives currently mainy at the Athenaeum. .
1 doc.

19 Aug 1852

167

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ sends WW an abstract from a letter from Lord Monteagle which he got this morning: 'you will see he has been hard at work and a brother or you could have done no more - something must surely come of it but what is doubtful[.] The abstract of Monteagle's letter reveals the names attached to RJ's memorial.
1 doc.

20 Aug 1852

168

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ is still waiting nervously to know what his future will be: 'Ld. Derby apparently has sent no answer to either Lord Monteagle or the Bishop of London [-] it is impossible I think that he should dismiss the parties to Ld. Monteagle memorial contemptuously. Ryan and I had been talking of getting you to press the Bishop to find out something of Ld. Derby's feeling. The pension I fear he has resolved against - though there is some hope that when parliament meets he may be squeezed about it not much hope I fear'. RJ would like to talk to WW over some plans and projects connected with public services which he has discussed with Edward Ryan. RJ will send WW 'what I have got through of the raw materials for my book of lectures[.] If I live one or two years more I shall have done enough to enable some one to devlope my views even if I fall short of doing it myself'. RJ depends on WW 'for noting gaps in the argument or want of development in parts'. .
1 doc.

16 Sep 1852

169

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ wishes WW would burn his last letter [RJ to WW, 16 September 1852]: 'No good could possibly come from botherng the Bishop of London in Ireland'. Nothing can be done till parliament next meets. RJ's 'knowledge as to the consular courts relates to their judicial functions as between individuals[,] their contentious jurisdiction the lawyers call it I beleive[,] which forms a curious episode in the history of modern European Tribunals and throws light on the progress of manners which has interested one much. I have never been able to get a sight of the book Grotius refers to and have met with no national law in my reading connected with their functions'. Leone Levi has just published a book 'on the Commercial Law of the World with a apriori account of national codes etc. They are more numerous than I expected but I get nothing from it as to international rights and remedies but I have not done searching it'.
1 doc.

20 Sep 1852

170

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ's lectures are yet to be worked into a book. He is thinking of re-writing the first five lectures into a popular manner: 'I like them well enough but the lads complain that they are very hard reading and perhaps I can make them a better platform to support the whole superstructure'. RJ would rather visit WW when he is alone since his spirits are too uncertain for the society of semi-strangers. After learning that John S. Mill called RJ a blood hound, Joshua Watson once said to RJ 'if you are obliged to throw a stone a dog it is a pleasure to hear him howl I am half tempted to treat him to another howl or two before I finish with him'. .
1 doc.

12 Oct 1852

171

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ received a letter from Lord Monteagle containing one from Lord Derby. It seems Derby is unfavorable toward a pension but favorable about any office which might suit RJ. Consequently with the imminent resignation of Buller, Monteagle has advised RJ to apply for his office.
1 doc.

16 Oct 1852

172

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Lord Derby has not answered RJ's last letter: 'Everyone praises and seems to wish me well except those who could do me justice which is unlucky enough'. RJ owes it to Charlotte Jones to get employment. He read WW's 'last observations with interest - I am glad to see you less fierce about your fundamental ideas - a little yielding will place the subject in a form which will prevent people denying what is true in your doctrine because they are startled at the phraseology and it is surely mighty well to gain this point for the sake both of your book and its readers - sound philosophy is very scarce'. RJ 'cannot work with any steadiness just now but I have just finished my reasons for abandoning Malthus celebrated three checks and I shall send this proof to you before it is struck off. I am going on to compare the mass of the population of England with that of the rest of the world past and existing and I expect to do it tolerably'. RJ's nervous system is improving. .
1 doc.

28 Oct 1852

173

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has applied for Buller's office but has not yet had a reply. RJ has had a letter from Walpole offering him 'the secretaryship to a new commission they are about to issue to advise about assigning duties to all cathedral dignitaries and apparently diverting some of the funds to other church purposes'. Edward Ryan thinks the Secretaryship would be good and 'sure to lead to something satisfactory but if my antecedents are not enough I cannot rely on this. In the mean time it would be income for a time'. RJ thinks 'Diocesan schools of divinity are clearly aimed at by this new commission. I have some doubts about the ultimate good to be effected by 20 or 30 different schools teaching each possibly variations of its own and have always thought it a marvellous waste of power not to make the University chairs efficient for the whole church - with some give and take among the Bishops themselves and a thorough understanding with the universities surely this might be done without much expense difficulty or change'. .
1 doc.

15 Nov 1852

174

Richard Jones to William Whewell. One of the first letters RJ has had in his new position on the Cathedral Commission is from a Trinity man - Mr Alexander Tate (for four years Curate to Scholefield [James Scholefield]) - 'who writes to say he will probably be obliged to resign his professorship and that it will [be] disastrous to him if he forfeits his stall and he suggests that the stalls at Ely should be made a sort of half pay or retiring pension to Cambridge Professors tenable after the resignation of their chair'. The letter is to be discussed at the Commission: 'It seems a silly letter of no great moment but if more stalls are to be attached to Professorships or duties to be assigned to all stalls the cases Mr Tates letter points out will require very serious consideration and form one of the difficulties I see ahead[.] Pray think of it and talk to the Dean of Ely when you see him'.
1 doc.

24 Nov 1852

175

Richard Jones to William Whewell. 'There exists no foundation on which a communication to Scholefield [James Scholefield] would properly be made about his resignation. It is by no means clear Tate [Alexander Tate] has had any communication with him and the letter sent to me looks a little like a meddling volunteer feeler of Mr Tates own. If I had not seen a much wider field of discussion on such subjects looming in the distance I should have taken no notice of it' [see RJ to WW, 24 November 1852]. In politics RJ considers 'the whigs crushed but they have still faith in their strategy'. The cabinet of Lord Derby's is 'shaken to pieces and recomposed with Peelites and Palmerstonians will probably be the next move and a really able liberal conservative administration might have a long and prosperous reign'.
1 doc.

25 Nov 1852

176

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The confusion WW detected in the presentation of his printed lectures arose because - 'I never meant the two series of lectures should [be] bound up in 1 pamphlet but that they should be printed as two tracts between which any thing I liked either additional or explanatory might be let in. But I was ill - the printers took the matter into their own hands and made the mess - I will look them carefully over and write to you'. RJ expects WW has 'heard all about the political intrigues going on - Palmerston is supposed to have outmanouvered Ld. John and talks openly of a strong adminsistration being formed in the Spring by him and Ld. Derby excluding most of the whigs - said whigs have flown to Ld. Lansdowne in the 11th hour and he will try to help them by becoming Premier for a time they hope and they say he is melting'.
1 doc.

26 Nov 1852

177

Richard Jones to William Whewell. Blamire [William Blamire] and RJ 'are not exactly on terms which would make any application from me to him useful and having said that I am very ready to send an extract of your letter to him if you wish it - but I rather advise not - If he is to be applied to you or some other friend had better do it'. However, RJ does not know how the [tithe] commissioners can help him unless the Jesus College men previously agree to abide by their opinion. The commissioners can enforce terms on no one. WW should 'clearly persuade the said Jesus men to be reasonable if you can and I in your case should propose to them to let some skilful and respectable man be he assistant commissioner or other calculate what the annual sum should be taking a liberal view of the Jesus interest as it is on your request the plan proceeds and they will probably throw over the scheme if they are to gain nothing by it'.
1 doc.

1 Feb 1853

178

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has had a serious attack in his right eye and has been advised not to read or write.
1 doc.

10 Jan 1854

179

Richard Jones to William Whewell. RJ has been told and believes that the affair over his pension will be settled next week. Haileybury is to continue in its present form till it closes entirely in 1857: 'they promise to consider the Professors then and will appoint to my post only temporarily if at all[.] The professors would much have preferred an act of parliament which set out their compensation now'.
1 doc.

22 Nov 1854

180

Richard Jones to William Whewell. The India House have granted RJ a pension of 400 pounds a year from Christmas. He would have got 460 but someone opposed the measure on the grounds that he was already 'so well off and on their resisting threatened all sorts of hostile and combative measures [-] my friends (that is all but him) thought it better to avoid noise and war - and I think they were quite right'. .
1 doc.

08 Dec 1854